Stocks to watch: Infosys, Paytm, IRFC, ONGC, Hyundai Motor among shares in focus today
One 97 Communications, the parent company of fintech platform Paytm, posted a consolidated net profit of ₹ 122.5 crore in the first quarter, marking a turnaround to profitability.
The electronic manufacturing services company posted a robust performance in Q1 FY26, with revenue surging 95% year-on-year to ₹ 12,835 crore.
The company posted a 6.4% year-on-year increase in net profit for Q1 FY26, reaching ₹ 184 crore.
Indian Railway Finance Corporation (IRFC) posted a strong double-digit increase in its Profit After Tax (PAT) for the quarter ending in June.
The company has been served a tax demand of ₹ 517 crore by the GST authorities, which includes ₹ 258 crore as compensation cess and an equivalent amount as penalty.
The board of the state-run energy major has approved a true-up amount of up to ₹ 5,082 crore to be distributed by its subsidiaries under ONGC Videsh for the Area 1 Mozambique LNG project during FY26–27.
The cement manufacturer posted a 171% year-on-year increase in net profit for Q1 FY26, reaching ₹ 393 crore, but fell short of Street expectations of ₹ 425 crore.
The company reported robust Q1 FY26 results, with total revenue increasing by 19% year-on-year to ₹ 1,314 crore and profit after tax (PAT) surging 31.5% to ₹ 384 crore.
Cyient DLM reported a 30% year-on-year decline in net profit to ₹ 7.5 crore, even though its revenue increased by 8% to ₹ 278 crore.
Disclaimer: This story is for educational purposes only. The views and recommendations above are those of individual analysts or broking companies, not Mint. We advise investors to check with certified experts before making any investment decisions.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Time of India
3 hours ago
- Time of India
Bengal reports 12% GST growth in July 2025
Kolkata: Bengal reported a 12% year-on-year growth in GST collections in July 2025, CM Mamata Banerjee said on Tuesday. In a post on X, she wrote, "Glad to share that West Bengal reported a robust 12 per cent year-on-year growth in gross GST collections for July 2025, recording a collection of Rs 5,895 crore, compared to Rs 5,257 crore in the same month last year, according to provisional figures just released by the govt of India. " She also said the cumulative GST revenue growth till July stood at 7.7%, calling it a "steady improvement in business and consumption in Bengal" and a "sign of good economic health". The state has set an SGST collection target of Rs 49,771 crore in 2025-26. Last fiscal, SGST revenue stood at Rs 45,872 crore — the largest source of the state's own revenue. You Can Also Check: Kolkata AQI | Weather in Kolkata | Bank Holidays in Kolkata | Public Holidays in Kolkata In 2022-23, it was Rs 40,899 crore, indicating steady post-Covid growth. The current fiscal's SGST target is nearly 25% higher than the 2022–23 figure. Bengal's overall own tax revenue for 2025–26 is projected at Rs 1,12,543 crore. The CM also highlighted a decline in the state's debt-to-GSDP ratio — from 40.6% in 2010–11 to 36.8% in 2024–25. The revenue deficit as a percentage of GSDP has also come down, she noted.
The Hindu
3 hours ago
- The Hindu
India needs a ‘defence cess' to fund military modernisation
In a world increasingly defined by stealth drones, hypersonic glide vehicles, and algorithmic warfare, India cannot afford to rely on ageing jets, delayed imports, and peacetime assumptions. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh has said peace is nothing but an illusion, and India must be prepared for any uncertainty. Unfortunately, the only certainty in the current geopolitical scenario is uncertainty. With India's stance on the Indus Water Treaty and clear policy of treating every future terror attack as an act of war, the frequency of confrontations with Pakistan will only rise. As witnessed in the previous two confrontations, air power will again take centre stage. But the strategic context will be even more challenging. Pakistan is set to acquire the J20 or J35 stealth aircraft from China. China itself is experimenting with sixth-generation prototypes. India, in contrast, remains nearly a decade away from deploying its own fifth-generation platform. The Indian Air Force today operates 32 squadrons as against the sanctioned strength of 42. While India's combat aircraft are competent, capability alone is not enough. In an increasingly contested and complex airspace, the country cannot afford to be vulnerable. Therefore, modernising India's armed forces as a whole, especially the Air Force, is no longer aspirational. It is existential. From indigenous engine development to electronic warfare systems and strategic drone fleets, the road map is clear. What remains uncertain is not the intent but the pathway to sustained and ring-fenced funding. The Indian economy has the size and strength to support this. But money without direction and foresight without political will and execution is futile. Poor pace, no priority A significant portion of government spending today is absorbed in routine expenses. What is left is often spread thinly across fragmented schemes and incremental projects. The result is that capital acquisition for defence lacks pace and priority. Numbers may appear large on paper, but intent should be measured not in allocations, but outcomes. Hence, what is required is a distinct and emotionally resonant defence cess as a standalone national contribution dedicated to strengthening India's defence preparedness. This will not be a tweak to the existing GST regime, but an independent instrument reflecting the country's collective commitment to its armed forces. This cess will mean a 5-10% surcharge on ultra-luxury services and ultra-luxury goods such as high-end cars, imported jewellery, private jets, premium liquor, and other similar indulgent purchases. Unlike existing indirect taxes, this amount will be clearly itemised on invoices as a 'Raksha cess', making it transparent and distinct from the GST framework. The idea is to introduce a visible and voluntary contribution from those engaging in luxury consumption and direct it specifically towards strengthening national defence. It may also blend privilege with purpose which can allow consumers to take part in nation-building by aligning their spending with a larger sense of responsibility. Historically, nations have aligned consumption with contribution. Italy imposed targeted luxury taxes during the Eurozone crisis, linking helicopter and yacht ownership to fiscal solidarity. Sweden continue to use luxury taxation as a subtle expression of economic justice. China went further, turning its anti-extravagance campaign into a national redirection of capital toward strategic industries. Consumption and commitment In the Indian context, this approach will offer a unique psychological and fiscal advantage since it will allow the affluent to contribute to national defence through visible and voluntary patriotism. It will send a message that high-end consumption can coexist with high-end commitment. For the wider public, it will create a moral narrative that those who have benefited the most from India's rise are also visible contributors to its security. It is imperative to note that the strength of the cess will lie not only in its size but also in its clarity. It will be transparent, targeted, and morally intuitive. Most important, it may lead to a behavioural shift. Spending on luxury becomes a visible public act of support for the armed forces. The premium one will pay on a sports car or designer watch will not disappear into a black hole of budget lines. Rather it will be utilised to build the engine of a new fighter jet or fund the software in a new air-defence system. However, implementation must match intent. The cess must be non-lapsable, transparently governed, and explicitly earmarked for capital expenditure in defence. Every rupee collected must be traceable to procurement, research and development, and modernisation. Over time, the cess may evolve from a tax instrument to a national pride programme. This idea may or may not make sense at the moment. But it is time for India to now move from mere accounting, to imagination. India stands at a point where narrative matters, and the cess allows an intersection between narrative and mission to take shape in a manner that is financially sound, politically non-disruptive and socially unifying. India has the means. What it needs is the mechanism. And a message that every luxury comes with legacy, and every indulgence can inspire protection. Sidharth Kapoor is a lawyer and public-policy enthusiast; views are personal
The Hindu
4 hours ago
- The Hindu
Inmates of Thozhi hostels left in distress, as inclusion of GST pushes rent up
The Social Welfare department's move to include Goods and Services Tax (GST) in monthly rent, thereby increasing the rent by over ₹1,000, has caused hardship and confusion to inmates of Thozhi hostels. In Adyar, the Thozhi hostel where a twin-sharing non air-conditioned (AC) room cost ₹5,800, now costs ₹6,844. In Tambaram hostel — one of the most expensive Thozhi hostels — a twin sharing non AC room now costs ₹9,200 with GST. New inmates would have to pay the revised rate for the first 90 days. In early 2024, the Union government had levied a 18% GST on hostels and paying guest accommodations with exemptions provided to those tenants who paid rent less than ₹20,000 and resided in the accommodation for over 90 days. These government-run hostels provide amenities, such as creche services, lifts, entry with biometrics, Wifi services, geysers among others. Presently in 13 locations across the State, the government has planned for 13 more. The sudden increase has left many hostellers in a fix. 'This increase does not justify the amenities that are being provided. The hostel is empowering women entering the workforce, however the hike only takes much of our salary. There is little left to support our family,' said Gowri*, an inmate from Thanjavur who stays at the Adyar hostel. Explaining the move, a senior official from the Social Welfare department stated that last year the GST component was taken from the rent paid by the inmates. 'They had been residing at a discounted price as the quoted price on the website was inclusive of the GST. This year, we have decided to collect the rent at the original rate and levy the GST separately,' the official added. The move has met with backlash from the hostellers. 'I come from a poor financial background and I am trying to prepare for my postgraduation. The rent of ₹4,605 does not justify the amenities provided. There is no canteen, sporadic WiFi which affects my studies and leaky roofs in bathrooms,' said Radha* from Adyar hostel. Pointing out that food expenses are in addition to the rent, Tulsi from Thozhi hostel in Guduvancherry said, 'Even if the government hostel is to be competitive with other private entities, there is at least an option of food in private facilities for the ₹8,000 that they take. This rental increase in a government accommodation for empowering women does not seem justified by the various amenities.' The inmates have petitioned the Tamil Nadu Working Women's Hostel Corporation and the Chief Minister's Cell but to no avail. Noting the hardship, the official added that the government has planned to write to the GST council to exempt the hostels run by the government from GST in order to provide relief to the inmates. (*names changed on request for anonymity)
