logo
Shah at 150th anniv of Bhuleshwar temple, talks cultural preservation

Shah at 150th anniv of Bhuleshwar temple, talks cultural preservation

Time of India27-05-2025

Mumbai: Recalling his childhood memories of a Mumbai quarter where the early Kathiawar, Kutch and Marwar migrants settled, Union home minister
Amit Shah
on Tuesday dwelt on the traditions that shaped the community and praised the trustees of a 150-year-old temple in the area for keeping their customs alive.
Shah chose to speak in Gujarati during the 150th anniversary celebrations of the Laxmi-Narayan Temple at the Madhavbaug complex in Bhuleshwar on Tuesday, an area predominantly Gujarati and Marwari in character.
He began by greeting those present with "Jai Shri Krishna." Lauding the trustees, he said he ran a similar charitable trust but in a smaller capacity and knew how difficult it was, especially in a city like Mumbai.
"I was born in Mumbai. I am linked to Mumbai. On several occasions, I came to this Laxmi-Narayan Temple for Aarti (Puja) and darshan while visiting the city. There used to be a wadi, a marriage hall run by the trustees, where scores of middle-class families could conduct their marriages at a very reasonable cost. My three sisters were married in this very wadi. This is four decades ago; there used to be a small hall, a large open space.
I remember very clearly," he recounted fondly.
He said he closely observed the idols since childhood, whose expressions are so beautifully essayed by the sculpture. Shah said he was born in a Vaishnav family, and the puja is still conducted in pure Vaishnav traditions. The trust used to teach the Bhagavad Gita, run a Sanskrit school too, and did a lot of social work.
Praising the generosity of the temple's founders, Varjivandas and Narottambhai, he said the lakhs of rupees they donated in 1875 would be equivalent to billions today.
It was the only time he spoke a few words in Hindi, addressing chief minister Devendra Fadnavis.
Shah said after 150 years, it was not enough to celebrate; rather, it was the trustees' responsibility to now lay the roadmap for the future. "Can Madhavbaug be a spiritual centre for the troubled middle class? Can this trust become a centre to teach the mother tongue, which is slowly being forgotten by grandchildren going to English medium schools? Today, go to a Gujarati home, and if you do not know English, it can become difficult; even parents do not speak to their children in Gujarati," said Shah, adding the trustees should work to make Madhavbaug a centre for Gujarati, Marwari, and Sanskrit.
Referring to the achievements of the Modi govt, he said Narendra Modi completed 11 years as PM on Monday. "This Gujarati son (Narendra Modi) has been focused on the development of the country... we have become the fourth largest economy, made the country secure, and those who tried to make the country unsafe, we entered their house and beat them up," said Shah.
Shah said Modi made Indians proud of India. "When I met a French diplomat, I asked him, what was the difference after 10 years? He said for those from the Western world, Modi has increased the value of India's passport," he said.
The home minister said political will was needed, and Modi, after 550 years, ensured the Ram idol was moved from a tent to a splendid temple, and the Kashi-Vishwanath corridor, which was destroyed by Aurangzeb, was restored.
Shah said Operation Sindoor showed the importance of Sindoor. "...Ek chutki sindoor, which is important to our mothers, sisters... we have shown the importance of the Sindoor. There were ten crore online searches for the meaning of Sindoor... we went into their home and destroyed their hideouts," said Shah.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Choose green energy, not gas, for power-hungry data centres
Choose green energy, not gas, for power-hungry data centres

Hindustan Times

time16 minutes ago

  • Hindustan Times

Choose green energy, not gas, for power-hungry data centres

Data centres are the engine rooms of the global digital economy, which artificial intelligence (AI) is rapidly reshaping. Collectively, data centres form 'the cloud' that stores, processes and generates our precious information. But their insatiable appetite for energy is such that data-centre capacity is no longer measured in computing power, but rather in their energy consumption. This has profound implications for India's electricity demand and supply. The Union government has taken significant steps to bolster the data centre segment of the digital economy, granting it infrastructure status and encouraging local and international investment. Over the past decade, this has attracted investments estimated at $6.5 billion, generating an impressive $1.2 billion in revenue last year. The country is now home to 262 data centres and ranks seventh in the world, just behind France and Canada (264 each). India's data centre capacity is expected to grow exponentially from 1.4 gigawatts (GW) in 2024 to 9GW in 2030, and in doing so, it is likely to consume about 3% of India's electricity in 2030, up from less than 1% currently. The challenge is to meet such demands sustainably, and the answer lies in battery storage and renewable energy. While natural gas has been hailed as a cleaner alternative to coal, the energy crisis of 2022 raised questions about its viability. Domestic gas production meets only half of India's needs and cannot keep pace with surging demand from the residential, commercial and industrial sectors, which is expected to drive demand up by 60% by 2030, leading to a greater reliance on imports. The growing reliance on imports would expose data centres to volatile pricing and higher costs amid rising global tensions and trade wars, undermining the purported benefits of natural gas as a stable energy source. Meanwhile, battery costs and renewable energy tariffs have been falling. The latest tariffs for firm and dispatchable renewable energy, which provides a continuous power supply source, is ₹4.98-4.99, below the Central Energy Authority's median natural gas tariff of ₹5.4. Last month, India's domestic gas price cap was raised by 3.7%, from $6.50 to $6.75 per million British thermal units. It was the first rise since 2023, when the government reviewed the Administered Price Mechanism (APM) following the global energy crisis in 2022. With gas from old fields drying up, and new fields and imports exempt, the proportion of gas priced under the APM fell from 85% in 2020 to 64% last year, 'indicating a clear shift towards higher-priced gas as new volumes came online', according to the IEA. India will need to import more to bridge the demand gap as the amount of gas priced under the APM is likely to fall further, exposing more users to volatile spot market pricing. Switching data centres to gas at this critical juncture would be out of step for such an intrinsically innovative industry, ideally suited to lead the government's ambitious plan to install 500GW of renewable energy capacity by 2030. India has five major data-centre hubs: Mumbai (61), Hyderabad (33), Delhi NCR (31), Bangalore (31) and Chennai (30). Clustering is a feature of the industry globally. In India, however, such highly concentrated energy demand will further strain local power networks, given that an average data centre consumes as much power as an aluminium smelter or the equivalent of 100,000 homes. Conversely, these clusters are prime sites for renewable energy resources such as rooftop solar, battery plus energy storage systems (BESS) and local microgrids. Globally, renewables power half of the new data centre and India is no exception. For example, the colossal Yotta NM1 data centre near Mumbai, India's biggest, already gets half of its power from renewables, with a target of 70%. Government incentives have created a frenzy of activity in the energy storage sector. A key enabler is the Viability Gap Funding (VGF) scheme, which offers up to 30% support for capital expenditure to standalone BESS projects. In the first quarter of this year alone, Standalone ESS tenders reached 6.1GW, comprising 64% of all utility-scale energy storage tenders and exceeding the total capacity issued last year, according to a recent report by JMK Research and Analytics and IEEFA. The potential synergies here for the data centre sector are far more compelling than gas. India's rapid transformation into a digital economy has driven energy demand growth to 7% annually. Increasing internet penetration, mobile use, e-commerce, electric vehicles, data centres and AI will accelerate this demand in coming years, adding to the pressure on networks. Data centres are at the cutting edge of information technology and the AI revolution. It doesn't take AI to tell us they should be powered by the most advanced, efficient and economical technology available rather than a fossil fuel with volatile pricing and costly, unbuilt or nonexistent infrastructure. As battery storage grows cheaper and more accessible by the year, an investment in renewables backed by storage will pay dividends for decades. As India's data centres approach this crossroads, this is not the time to step on the gas. Vibhuti Garg is director, IEEFA-South Asia. The views expressed are personal.

India commits $20 bn for maritime infrastructure development, says Sarbananda Sonowal
India commits $20 bn for maritime infrastructure development, says Sarbananda Sonowal

Time of India

time32 minutes ago

  • Time of India

India commits $20 bn for maritime infrastructure development, says Sarbananda Sonowal

India has committed USD 20 billion for infrastructure development, with a focus on enhancing multimodal logistics , port connectivity and trade facilitation, Union Minister Sarbananda Sonowal said on Thursday. Speaking at the Nor-Shipping conference in Oslo, Sonowal highlighted India's growing maritime capabilities, including favourable policy induced investment environment, proven shipbuilding strength, and innovative financing plans to accelerate sectoral growth. According to an official statement, the Ports, Shipping and Waterways Minister also called for greater partnerships for seafarer recruitment . Sonowal also highlighted strengthening of maritime connectivity and supply chains with strategic corridors like India - Middle East - Europe Economic Corridor (IMEEC), the Eastern Maritime Corridor (EMC), and the International North - South Transport Corridor (INSTC). "India has committed USD 20 billion for infrastructure development focused on enhancing multimodal logistics, port connectivity, and trade facilitation. Live Events "Through policy incentives, ease of doing business, and infrastructure enhancement, we are laying the foundation for India to emerge as one of the top five shipbuilding nations by 2047," Sonowal added. Emphasising the need for a green and sustainable maritime future, he said India is establishing three Green Hydrogen Hub Ports -- Kandla, Tuticorin, and Paradip -- to support the manufacturing of green hydrogen and its derivatives and to pioneer the use of alternative fuels in the maritime domain. Sonowal is on a five-day official trip to Norway and Denmark.

BJP's Bihar playbook: Invisible RSS hand powers Modi's might
BJP's Bihar playbook: Invisible RSS hand powers Modi's might

India Today

time42 minutes ago

  • India Today

BJP's Bihar playbook: Invisible RSS hand powers Modi's might

As Bihar inches closer to assembly elections, the BJP is scripting an all-encompassing narrative—one that stretches beyond electoral arithmetic and seeks to reconfigure the very grammar of the state's politics. It's a calibrated blend of nationalism, social justice, Hindutva and development, all wrapped in the charisma and authority of Prime Minister Narendra beneath this grand narrative lies a disciplined ideological machinery: the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), whose invisible hand continues to shape the BJP's game in one of India's most politically complex emotional pivot of the campaign is nationalism, turbocharged by Operation Sindoor, India's military retaliation to the Pahalgam terror attack. The BJP has draped this operation in the colours of patriotism and turned it into a rallying cry for unity and Patna, on May 29, the streets turned saffron and steel. Cultural performances, replicas of BrahMos missiles, chants of 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai', and a curated spectacle of military pride set the stage for a seven-km-long roadshow by Modi. The following day, in Bikramganj in Rohtas district, the prime minister addressed a packed rally. His words, as always, were a blend of conviction and choreography. 'This is not the era of war,' Modi declared, pausing just long enough before adding, 'but this is also not the era of terrorism. Zero tolerance against terrorism is the guarantee for a better world.'advertisementThe audience erupted. Modi wasn't just talking national security—he was imprinting himself as the architect of India's decisive will. And he knew exactly where he was standing. Bihar is the new social laboratory for BJP, where it will test how its socialist deviation will react to the Hindutva and nationalism has visited Bihar twice in a month. In his playbook, followed over the past decade, he increases his footfall in poll-bound states while local units of the BJP and the Sangh mobilise the narrative around nationalism, development and Hindutva and the prime minister's appeal as a decisive is just one spoke in the BJP's electoral wheel. A more strategic, and in some ways surprising, manoeuvre has been its decision to embrace the demand for a national caste census. For years, the BJP had steered cautiously around the issue, mindful of its upper-caste base and wary of letting the Mandal-era anxieties creep Bihar's electoral terrain leaves no room for hesitation. By formally backing caste enumeration within the upcoming census, the BJP has signalled its intent to reclaim the narrative of social justice from caste-based parties, such as the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Janata Dal (United), and the likes of Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), Vikassheel Insaan Party and Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular).advertisementThis pivot is not ideological backtracking—it's tactical evolution. Party leaders frame the census move as 'data for dignity'. The idea is to address longstanding demands of representation and welfare, while positioning the BJP as a party that listens and adapts. What's more, this shift allows the party to blur the rigid backward vs forward caste binary that has long defined Bihar the BJP's new storyline, caste is acknowledged, but harmonised under a larger umbrella: national progress and Hindu unity. In previous elections, caste-based outfits tried to push back the BJP as a party of upper castes, who resist social justice and reservations. Now, in Bihar, the BJP will build the narrative that it's a party of all broader ideological integration is being quietly orchestrated by the RSS, which has intensified its grassroots work across Bihar. Shakhas have grown in number. Pracharaks are embedded deep in rural districts, especially in caste-sensitive regions like Mithila, Magadh and Seemanchal. The Sangh's volunteers are engaging in nuanced caste dialogues, mapping booth-level dynamics and subtly pushing a narrative of 'samrasta'—harmony among Hindus of all earlier times, when Hindutva was more loudly proclaimed, the current model is calibrated, understated, yet expansive. The Sangh doesn't want Hindutva to be merely identified with a party. It wants it to be seen as a broader social and cultural movement, one that survives political Maharashtra model is instructive here. When Uddhav Thackeray's Shiv Sena—once the most vocal proponent of Hindutva—broke ranks and joined hands with the Congress and Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), the RSS didn't flinch. 'Ideological alignment is not the same as ideological ownership,' a senior Sangh functionary noted. And when the alliance shifted, so did the loyalties on the followed in Maharashtra was telling: the Sangh quietly realigned ground-level loyalties, undercut the Thackeray-led Sena, and reinforced the BJP's base with surgical precision. In Bihar, a similar template is being pursued. The goal is to promote a subtle but overarching Hindutva, one that integrates with social justice rather than clashes with it, and one that builds lasting loyalty beyond the election this ideological work is the legislative push that the BJP hopes will activate its core base—amendments to the Waqf laws. Framed as a step to democratise and bring transparency to the management of Waqf properties, the BJP claims it will benefit poor Muslims who have long been excluded from institutional control. Critics call it divisive. But in Bihar's political soil, where identity and property are intertwined, the BJP's messaging finds fertile ground: fairness over appeasement, accountability over then, there is development—still the most resonant theme in Modi's repertoire. Every speech, every rally, every government press release has invoked the 'double-engine sarkar'. Bihar, says Modi, has potential but needs 'infrastructure with intent'. During his recent visit, he inaugurated the new terminal at Patna airport, laid the foundation for the Bihta civil enclave, and flagged off infrastructure projects connecting AIIMS and Danapur. All this was not just ribbon-cutting; it was branding. Modi as 'Vikas Purush', as Bihar's party knows, however, that projecting development alone is not enough in a state where unemployment and rural distress still linger. Which is why every infrastructure headline is paired with outreach narratives: that central schemes like PM Awas, Ujjwala and Ayushman Bharat have changed lives. That these are not just policies but personal guarantees delivered by Modi. The BJP's messaging aims to blur the line between state and Centre, between ideology and the BJP may go into the Bihar polls without projecting a chief ministerial face, much like it did in Maharashtra. There, the absence of a declared chief minister helped the party sidestep factionalism and keep the campaign Modi-centric. In Bihar, the move is even more strategic—it helps the BJP escape anti-incumbency linked to chief minister Nitish Kumar, whose popularity has waned even among traditional supporters. Without tying itself to Nitish's record, the BJP retains flexibility: it can criticise his failures while promising continuity where decision also dovetails with the Sangh's longer-term view. The RSS isn't just focused on winning an election—it is focused on embedding ideological permanence, especially in a state as politically fluid as Bihar. With the BJP keeping the chief ministerial post open and the Sangh engineering caste recalibration on the ground, the idea is to institutionalise a cultural emerges, then, is a campaign that is less about a single masterstroke and more about a grand orchestration—a symphony of nationalism, cultural consolidation, data-led social justice, and Brand Modi. The BJP is not merely contesting an election in Bihar; it is attempting to rewrite the coordinates of how politics is done in the this strategy culminates in a clear electoral mandate will be decided in the final arithmetic of the ballot. But the BJP's ambition is larger than a simple win. It wants to leave behind a political structure in Bihar that speaks its language—long after the ballots have been to India Today MagazineMust Watch

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store