BJP's Bihar playbook: Invisible RSS hand powers Modi's might

India Today

2 days ago

As Bihar inches closer to assembly elections, the BJP is scripting an all-encompassing narrative—one that stretches beyond electoral arithmetic and seeks to reconfigure the very grammar of the state's politics. It's a calibrated blend of nationalism, social justice, Hindutva and development, all wrapped in the charisma and authority of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.Yet beneath this grand narrative lies a disciplined ideological machinery: the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), whose invisible hand continues to shape the BJP's game in one of India's most politically complex states.advertisementThe emotional pivot of the campaign is nationalism, turbocharged by Operation Sindoor, India's military retaliation to the Pahalgam terror attack. The BJP has draped this operation in the colours of patriotism and turned it into a rallying cry for unity and strength.In Patna, on May 29, the streets turned saffron and steel. Cultural performances, replicas of BrahMos missiles, chants of 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai', and a curated spectacle of military pride set the stage for a seven-km-long roadshow by Modi.
The following day, in Bikramganj in Rohtas district, the prime minister addressed a packed rally. His words, as always, were a blend of conviction and choreography. 'This is not the era of war,' Modi declared, pausing just long enough before adding, 'but this is also not the era of terrorism. Zero tolerance against terrorism is the guarantee for a better world.'advertisementThe audience erupted. Modi wasn't just talking national security—he was imprinting himself as the architect of India's decisive will. And he knew exactly where he was standing. Bihar is the new social laboratory for BJP, where it will test how its socialist deviation will react to the Hindutva and nationalism push.Modi has visited Bihar twice in a month. In his playbook, followed over the past decade, he increases his footfall in poll-bound states while local units of the BJP and the Sangh mobilise the narrative around nationalism, development and Hindutva and the prime minister's appeal as a decisive leader.Nationalism is just one spoke in the BJP's electoral wheel. A more strategic, and in some ways surprising, manoeuvre has been its decision to embrace the demand for a national caste census. For years, the BJP had steered cautiously around the issue, mindful of its upper-caste base and wary of letting the Mandal-era anxieties creep back.But Bihar's electoral terrain leaves no room for hesitation. By formally backing caste enumeration within the upcoming census, the BJP has signalled its intent to reclaim the narrative of social justice from caste-based parties, such as the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Janata Dal (United), and the likes of Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), Vikassheel Insaan Party and Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular).advertisementThis pivot is not ideological backtracking—it's tactical evolution. Party leaders frame the census move as 'data for dignity'. The idea is to address longstanding demands of representation and welfare, while positioning the BJP as a party that listens and adapts. What's more, this shift allows the party to blur the rigid backward vs forward caste binary that has long defined Bihar politics.In the BJP's new storyline, caste is acknowledged, but harmonised under a larger umbrella: national progress and Hindu unity. In previous elections, caste-based outfits tried to push back the BJP as a party of upper castes, who resist social justice and reservations. Now, in Bihar, the BJP will build the narrative that it's a party of all Hindus.That broader ideological integration is being quietly orchestrated by the RSS, which has intensified its grassroots work across Bihar. Shakhas have grown in number. Pracharaks are embedded deep in rural districts, especially in caste-sensitive regions like Mithila, Magadh and Seemanchal. The Sangh's volunteers are engaging in nuanced caste dialogues, mapping booth-level dynamics and subtly pushing a narrative of 'samrasta'—harmony among Hindus of all castes.advertisementUnlike earlier times, when Hindutva was more loudly proclaimed, the current model is calibrated, understated, yet expansive. The Sangh doesn't want Hindutva to be merely identified with a party. It wants it to be seen as a broader social and cultural movement, one that survives political realignments.The Maharashtra model is instructive here. When Uddhav Thackeray's Shiv Sena—once the most vocal proponent of Hindutva—broke ranks and joined hands with the Congress and Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), the RSS didn't flinch. 'Ideological alignment is not the same as ideological ownership,' a senior Sangh functionary noted. And when the alliance shifted, so did the loyalties on the ground.What followed in Maharashtra was telling: the Sangh quietly realigned ground-level loyalties, undercut the Thackeray-led Sena, and reinforced the BJP's base with surgical precision. In Bihar, a similar template is being pursued. The goal is to promote a subtle but overarching Hindutva, one that integrates with social justice rather than clashes with it, and one that builds lasting loyalty beyond the election cycle.Complementing this ideological work is the legislative push that the BJP hopes will activate its core base—amendments to the Waqf laws. Framed as a step to democratise and bring transparency to the management of Waqf properties, the BJP claims it will benefit poor Muslims who have long been excluded from institutional control. Critics call it divisive. But in Bihar's political soil, where identity and property are intertwined, the BJP's messaging finds fertile ground: fairness over appeasement, accountability over entitlement.advertisementAnd then, there is development—still the most resonant theme in Modi's repertoire. Every speech, every rally, every government press release has invoked the 'double-engine sarkar'. Bihar, says Modi, has potential but needs 'infrastructure with intent'. During his recent visit, he inaugurated the new terminal at Patna airport, laid the foundation for the Bihta civil enclave, and flagged off infrastructure projects connecting AIIMS and Danapur. All this was not just ribbon-cutting; it was branding. Modi as 'Vikas Purush', as Bihar's promise.The party knows, however, that projecting development alone is not enough in a state where unemployment and rural distress still linger. Which is why every infrastructure headline is paired with outreach narratives: that central schemes like PM Awas, Ujjwala and Ayushman Bharat have changed lives. That these are not just policies but personal guarantees delivered by Modi. The BJP's messaging aims to blur the line between state and Centre, between ideology and delivery.advertisementInterestingly, the BJP may go into the Bihar polls without projecting a chief ministerial face, much like it did in Maharashtra. There, the absence of a declared chief minister helped the party sidestep factionalism and keep the campaign Modi-centric. In Bihar, the move is even more strategic—it helps the BJP escape anti-incumbency linked to chief minister Nitish Kumar, whose popularity has waned even among traditional supporters. Without tying itself to Nitish's record, the BJP retains flexibility: it can criticise his failures while promising continuity where necessary.This decision also dovetails with the Sangh's longer-term view. The RSS isn't just focused on winning an election—it is focused on embedding ideological permanence, especially in a state as politically fluid as Bihar. With the BJP keeping the chief ministerial post open and the Sangh engineering caste recalibration on the ground, the idea is to institutionalise a cultural order.What emerges, then, is a campaign that is less about a single masterstroke and more about a grand orchestration—a symphony of nationalism, cultural consolidation, data-led social justice, and Brand Modi. The BJP is not merely contesting an election in Bihar; it is attempting to rewrite the coordinates of how politics is done in the state.Whether this strategy culminates in a clear electoral mandate will be decided in the final arithmetic of the ballot. But the BJP's ambition is larger than a simple win. It wants to leave behind a political structure in Bihar that speaks its language—long after the ballots have been counted.Subscribe to India Today MagazineMust Watch