Afghanistan under the Taliban: Four years on
As the Taliban celebrate their fourth-year reign of terror in Afghanistan, the country suffers from an unprecedented episode of political, social, cultural and economic crises in its modern history.
The terrorist group has set back Afghanistan by decades in the name of a self-centred brand of Islam that does not exist anywhere else in the Muslim world. The country today is at the bottom of all human development and living conditions indices.
The Afghanistan tragedy is man-made and largely an outcome of betrayal by its own leaders and foreign powers
As an ethno-tribal and fragile Muslim country, situated in a zone of regional and major power rivalries, the country has historically been vulnerable to internal conflicts and outside interventions.
But it had never experienced what struck it during the first round of the Taliban rule from 1996 to the 9/11 al-Qaeda terrorist attacks on the United States, orchestrated from Afghanistan.
The United States' retaliatory intervention and toppling of the Taliban regime, with a promise not to allow Afghanistan to become a terrorism hub again, brought a sigh of relief.
However, as detailed in my book How to Lose a War, the US, backed by its allies including Australia, failed miserably, just as the Soviet Union had in its occupation of the country in the 1980s.
The US lacked an appropriate strategy grounded in a clear understanding of Afghanistan's complexities and those of its region, which also thwarted its efforts to secure effective and reliable Afghan governments.
After two decades of a very costly intervention, the US bowed out. Its protégé government in Kabul disintegrated, with President Ashraf Ghani fleeing to the United Arab Emirates, and the Taliban re-assumed power in mid-August 2021.
Taliban 2.0 was expected to be softer and gentler than that of the group's previous exercise of power.
But to the contrary, it has proved to be more brutal, tribal, exclusionary, and misogynistic.
Women and girls have been stripped of all their rights and virtually caged.
The degree of political and social freedoms as well as social and economic development that occurred under the US aegis have now totally been reversed.
According to various United Nations agencies' reports, hunger, starvation, malnutrition, child mortality, death from curable diseases, girls' and women's suicide, and summary execution of many who worked for the previous government as well as the US and allies, have become rampant across the country.
More than half of the population live off foreign handouts from a few international humanitarian organisations under the strict watch of the Taliban who ensure a cut for themselves.
The Taliban is led by a self-styled supremo, Hibatulla Akhunzada, who presides in the southern city of Kandahar – the birthplace of the group – and is not publicly seen.
He is under an arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity. Akhunzada and his cohort do not believe in any form of political pluralism or participatory government or any international legal and humanitarian laws.
They have instituted a system of sharia (Islamic law) based on their version, which is not approved by the respected centres of Islamic studies and organisations in the Muslim domain. They have turned educational institutions into all-male jihadi madrassas to serve their ideological and political standing.
Many school age children are trained as soldiers and recruited for suicide bombings.
The Taliban have remained totally impervious to international criticism and demands for change.
The Taliban are well armed, courtesy of the $7.8 billion worth of weapons left behind by the US and allied forces. They are the first terror group in history also to possess an air force.
As reported by the UN, Afghanistan has once again become a sanctuary and breeding ground for various violent extremist groups, most importantly al-Qaeda, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and the Islamic State of Khorasan (IS-K), which have been, with the Taliban's support, responsible for many terrorist acts in the region and beyond.
Yet, despite lacking national and international legitimacy, with only Russia according their government formal recognition, the Taliban keep consolidating their rule. This is so for several reasons.
Chief amongst them are the regional and global geopolitical rivalries that are played out in Afghanistan. The country's neighbours have increasingly found it expedient to deal with the Taliban in pursuit of conflicting interests or to prevent the group from spreading its jihadi version of Islam into their countries.
They include more prominently Pakistan, Iran and Uzbekistan. Even the Qatar-UAE competition has made a footprint in Afghanistan with both seeking to influence the Taliban, though at different levels. A similar dictum has motivated major powers in the context of US-China and US-Russia rivalry.
These actors also want to benefit from trade with Afghanistan and the country's mineral deposits, including coal, iron, copper, and lithium. China has moved in a big way and made lucrative deals with the Taliban to exploit such resources as oil and copper. Russia has been very accommodating of the Taliban, and the US has closely interacted with the group. Washington has held regular meetings with the Taliban in Doha and allowed, though indirectly, $40 million from its humanitarian aid to end up in the Taliban treasury on a weekly basis. Although the financial spin off is being reviewed by Donald Trump's administration, it nonetheless indicates Washington's concerns about China's and for that matter Russia's growing involvement in Afghanistan.
Meanwhile, the Afghan political and armed opposition groups operating from exile have been very divided, a historical curse of Afghanistan. They have been of little or no help to a couple of brave female resistance groups inside the country.
As the situation stands, the future of Afghanistan appears as bleak as its prevailing darkness. With the plight of the Palestinians and the Ukraine war dominating the world's focus, the tragedy of Afghanistan has been pushed onto the backburner. Yet, this is not to claim that the Taliban are infallible. Afghanistan has seen five distinctly different political and ideological groups rule the country one after another in the last four decades. Taliban 2.0 may well go down in the same way as a result of either internal conflict or change in the internal and external circumstances of Afghanistan, as has been the case during most of its modern history, but not soon enough for the suffering people of Afghanistan.
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SBS Australia
4 days ago
- SBS Australia
Impact of Taliban rule on women and girls decried by advocates in Australia on anniversary
Listen to Australian and world news, and follow trending topics with SBS News Podcasts . "Before 2021, we had women pilots, women in the army, women doctors, women in the parliament, and women running for the presidential elections in Afghanistan. While currently we are talking is 2025, people might think that the speed of progress for women might have multiplied, but to be really honest, it has gone to stone age. Women are deprived of work, girls are deprived of schools, of universities." That's Khalid Amiri, a former journalist for a state broadcaster in Afghanistan. He tells SBS News about the situation for women in Afghanistan today, saying it has worsened since the country's capital city of Kabul was captured by the Taliban four years ago. The United Nations says more than 78 percent of Afghan women are not in education, employment or training. In its latest report, the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan says women's movements in public spaces is heavily restricted, with numerous cases of women being detained for allegedly breaching the dress code requirements. A Taliban spokesperson, Zabiullah Mujahid, told SBS Pashto, the Taliban takes a different view. "Women have now found a place for themselves that was their rightful Sharia-based right, from which they had been deprived for many years. Nowadays, they have access to it, they can easily obtain their rights, make their own decisions and determine their own destiny in life." Since seizing power in 2021, the Taliban authorities have reinstated a ban on females accessing education after sixth grade. Mr Mujahid says the Taliban is still considering ways to change the education curriculum to better align with Islamic principles and Afghan culture. "It was initially stated that this is a temporary decision and that the needs would be assessed. We want to find a way that respects our Sharia principles and also achieves consensus in society." As Afghanistan emerged from a civil war, from 1996 to 2001, the Taliban controlled most of the country, imposing their interpretation of Sharia or Islamic religious law. In 2001, it was removed from power by a US-led invasion, but retook control when US forces left 20 years later - in 2021. Ever since, it has sought international recognition. In July this year, Russia announced itself as the first country to formally recognise the Taliban government in Afghanistan. Mr Mujahid says it understands the role of diplomacy. "But when you are not recognised by anyone and the diplomatic door is closed and then they have demands, it is not effective. We value our relations with Australia. We seek good relations with this country, with the Australian nation and with the Afghans residing in Australia. Consular services should be provided responsibly to the Afghan community living in Australia." An independent UN investigator on human rights in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, delivered a report to the UN General Assembly earlier this month in which he says the legal and judicial system are being used to oppress women and girls. He cited actions like the suspension of laws protecting women and girls, including a landmark law that criminalised 22 forms of violence such as rape and forced marriage. Maryam Zahid is the CEO of Afghan Women On the Move, a group that focuses on empowering women through digital and financial literacy, women's health advocacy and employment. "I came as a refugee myself 26 years ago and when I arrived in Australia under Women at Risk Program - and it has been 30 years that I was forced to leave Afghanistan. So it's been a long time for me to say it with confidence and say it telling the truth of how much the systematic barriers and the outdated laws and policies that looked at the refugees, especially women." She describes the situation back home. "Since the fall of Kabul and how much the patriarchal society now, it's kind of dominating the rights of women in Afghanistan. It's not as easy as we wish to kind of work with them. Even behind the scenes, even sending them money. It's quite risky for them to go and pick up money regardless of which terms we kind of send them." She says safety is a key issue - and there are risks from the misuse of artificial intelligence and social media that have put women in Afghanistan in danger. "Those images used against these women. And there were some even they were reported to Taliban and Taliban directly went and found them and yeah, they get warnings and they get abused." She says leaders in Australia should put their words into action. "Leaders should go beyond issuing statements. They should stand in solidarity with Afghan women. It's kind of sad to see that we are ignoring half of the population in a country, but also the diaspora that also women like me experienced Taliban. And we know the impact of those type of trauma that lasts with you forever." Khalid Amiri was a broadcast journalist in his home country - and now resides in Melbourne. He says he has not forgotten what life was like in Afghanistan that forced him to flee in 2021. "On 15th of August, Kabul fell to the Taliban and it was the worst nightmare that came true for all of us. And it was the biggest definition of betrayal by the international community towards the Afghans. How they threw Afghans to a regime that was killing them. And now this regime came into power and the entire international community was like: 'oh, we packed up our bags and we are leaving and the Afghans know what to do with it'." He says he is affected by survivor's guilt - wondering why he was able to escape the situation, but others still struggle to leave the country. "Why is the international community not listening to the plea of those Afghan girls left in Afghanistan? With my family that I speak to every day, to be really honest, it's not a brighter picture or it's not a positive picture that I get on daily basis from them. Particularly with the younger ones, they don't see a future for their self. Every youngster you meet is trying to find a way to leave the country." He says for those who can't make it to western countries, they are compelled to go to the neighbouring countries including Pakistan and Iran where they could face severe torture from the police. Mr Amiri says Iran has been sending back refugees to Afghanistan, which is another issue for the people who escaped the Taliban reprisals. "And the thing that makes us very upset is the deafening silence of world leaders. All we see is just a few tweets coming up on social media from them of condemnation. While there are no concrete steps being taken." Patrick Ryan is an independent humanitarian advocate for the former Afghan locally engaged staff of the Australian Embassy in Kabul. He used to be the facilities manager there. Mr Ryan says he was very pleased when DFAT reached out to him last year to help with the verification of some of their contracted employees that worked at the Australian embassy. "Since Australia made its intention to vacate the embassy in Kabul in May 2021, I began a fairly sustained advocacy campaign that ran for six months that involved assembling a delegation of representatives for the contracted employees at the embassy to organise their colleagues to make Afghan LEE ((Afghan Locally Engaged Employee Program)) applications to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade." The LEE program was established by the Australian government in 2012 as a pathway for priority processing for humanitarian visas for Afghan nationals who were employed with the Australian government in Afghanistan; and are at risk of harm due to their employment. It closed in May last year, but outstanding visa applications are still being processed. Since 2012, the program has helped more than 2,500 Afghans and their families to arrive in Australia. Mr Ryan says he understands there are 13 people he is helping who remain either stranded in Afghanistan or in third countries awaiting an outcome - and much more needs to be done to ensure their safety. "The Senate inquiry and the review of the immigration instrument 12 1 27 has taken nearly three years. During that time there's been no processing of anyone under any of the contracted employees under the Afghan LEE [[locally engaged employee]] special humanitarian visa program. And now we're seeing amendments made by the Albanese government excluding some of the people who may have previously been eligible for that program." He says he knows of two people awaiting a visa outcome who were in Tehran after attending the embassy for biometric and medical checks, when a missile attack took place. "They then came under attack during the conflict between Iran and Israel. Some of them had to make lengthy journeys on foot to get out of Tehran and had to go back into Afghanistan into hiding whilst waiting for their visas." But he says there is still hope. "I'm very happy that our youngest member of staff, who I'll just call 'Khader' at the moment to protect his identity, is going to be arriving in Adelaide later this month, nearly four years after the fall of Kabul. He was only 14 years old when he worked at the embassy as an apprentice painter. He's since gained his degree in engineering at Kabul Polytechnic, and he's going to be settling with relatives in Adelaide soon." He says it's really important for the Australian government and Department of Home Affairs to make sure that Afghan LEE visa processing is expedited. "I'm rather hoping that the government will streamline this process so there can be expedited for people who are still here four years out, so deserving of Australia's protection for the service they gave us in Afghanistan during our 20 year occupation."
News.com.au
4 days ago
- News.com.au
Afghanistan under the Taliban: Four years on
COMMENT As the Taliban celebrate their fourth-year reign of terror in Afghanistan, the country suffers from an unprecedented episode of political, social, cultural and economic crises in its modern history. The terrorist group has set back Afghanistan by decades in the name of a self-centred brand of Islam that does not exist anywhere else in the Muslim world. The country today is at the bottom of all human development and living conditions indices. The Afghanistan tragedy is man-made and largely an outcome of betrayal by its own leaders and foreign powers As an ethno-tribal and fragile Muslim country, situated in a zone of regional and major power rivalries, the country has historically been vulnerable to internal conflicts and outside interventions. But it had never experienced what struck it during the first round of the Taliban rule from 1996 to the 9/11 al-Qaeda terrorist attacks on the United States, orchestrated from Afghanistan. The United States' retaliatory intervention and toppling of the Taliban regime, with a promise not to allow Afghanistan to become a terrorism hub again, brought a sigh of relief. However, as detailed in my book How to Lose a War, the US, backed by its allies including Australia, failed miserably, just as the Soviet Union had in its occupation of the country in the 1980s. The US lacked an appropriate strategy grounded in a clear understanding of Afghanistan's complexities and those of its region, which also thwarted its efforts to secure effective and reliable Afghan governments. After two decades of a very costly intervention, the US bowed out. Its protégé government in Kabul disintegrated, with President Ashraf Ghani fleeing to the United Arab Emirates, and the Taliban re-assumed power in mid-August 2021. Taliban 2.0 was expected to be softer and gentler than that of the group's previous exercise of power. But to the contrary, it has proved to be more brutal, tribal, exclusionary, and misogynistic. Women and girls have been stripped of all their rights and virtually caged. The degree of political and social freedoms as well as social and economic development that occurred under the US aegis have now totally been reversed. According to various United Nations agencies' reports, hunger, starvation, malnutrition, child mortality, death from curable diseases, girls' and women's suicide, and summary execution of many who worked for the previous government as well as the US and allies, have become rampant across the country. More than half of the population live off foreign handouts from a few international humanitarian organisations under the strict watch of the Taliban who ensure a cut for themselves. The Taliban is led by a self-styled supremo, Hibatulla Akhunzada, who presides in the southern city of Kandahar – the birthplace of the group – and is not publicly seen. He is under an arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity. Akhunzada and his cohort do not believe in any form of political pluralism or participatory government or any international legal and humanitarian laws. They have instituted a system of sharia (Islamic law) based on their version, which is not approved by the respected centres of Islamic studies and organisations in the Muslim domain. They have turned educational institutions into all-male jihadi madrassas to serve their ideological and political standing. Many school age children are trained as soldiers and recruited for suicide bombings. The Taliban have remained totally impervious to international criticism and demands for change. The Taliban are well armed, courtesy of the $7.8 billion worth of weapons left behind by the US and allied forces. They are the first terror group in history also to possess an air force. As reported by the UN, Afghanistan has once again become a sanctuary and breeding ground for various violent extremist groups, most importantly al-Qaeda, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and the Islamic State of Khorasan (IS-K), which have been, with the Taliban's support, responsible for many terrorist acts in the region and beyond. Yet, despite lacking national and international legitimacy, with only Russia according their government formal recognition, the Taliban keep consolidating their rule. This is so for several reasons. Chief amongst them are the regional and global geopolitical rivalries that are played out in Afghanistan. The country's neighbours have increasingly found it expedient to deal with the Taliban in pursuit of conflicting interests or to prevent the group from spreading its jihadi version of Islam into their countries. They include more prominently Pakistan, Iran and Uzbekistan. Even the Qatar-UAE competition has made a footprint in Afghanistan with both seeking to influence the Taliban, though at different levels. A similar dictum has motivated major powers in the context of US-China and US-Russia rivalry. These actors also want to benefit from trade with Afghanistan and the country's mineral deposits, including coal, iron, copper, and lithium. China has moved in a big way and made lucrative deals with the Taliban to exploit such resources as oil and copper. Russia has been very accommodating of the Taliban, and the US has closely interacted with the group. Washington has held regular meetings with the Taliban in Doha and allowed, though indirectly, $40 million from its humanitarian aid to end up in the Taliban treasury on a weekly basis. Although the financial spin off is being reviewed by Donald Trump's administration, it nonetheless indicates Washington's concerns about China's and for that matter Russia's growing involvement in Afghanistan. Meanwhile, the Afghan political and armed opposition groups operating from exile have been very divided, a historical curse of Afghanistan. They have been of little or no help to a couple of brave female resistance groups inside the country. As the situation stands, the future of Afghanistan appears as bleak as its prevailing darkness. With the plight of the Palestinians and the Ukraine war dominating the world's focus, the tragedy of Afghanistan has been pushed onto the backburner. Yet, this is not to claim that the Taliban are infallible. Afghanistan has seen five distinctly different political and ideological groups rule the country one after another in the last four decades. Taliban 2.0 may well go down in the same way as a result of either internal conflict or change in the internal and external circumstances of Afghanistan, as has been the case during most of its modern history, but not soon enough for the suffering people of Afghanistan.
SBS Australia
5 days ago
- SBS Australia
Renewed hope for Afghans resettling in Australia on anniversary of fall of Kabul
Listen to Australian and world news, and follow trending topics with SBS News Podcasts . "Before 2021, we had women pilots, women in the army, women doctors, women in the parliament, and women running for the presidential elections in Afghanistan. While currently we are talking is 2025, people might think that the speed of progress for women might have multiplied, but to be really honest, it has gone to stone age. Women are deprived of work, girls are deprived of schools, of universities." That's Khalid Amiri, a former journalist for a state broadcaster in Afghanistan. He tells SBS News about the situation for women in Afghanistan today, saying it has worsened since the country's capital city of Kabul was captured by the Taliban four years ago. The United Nations says more than 78 percent of Afghan women are not in education, employment or training. In its latest report, the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan says women's movements in public spaces is heavily restricted, with numerous cases of women being detained for allegedly breaching the dress code requirements. A Taliban spokesperson, Zabiullah Mujahid, told SBS Pashto, the Taliban takes a different view. "Women have now found a place for themselves that was their rightful Sharia-based right, from which they had been deprived for many years. Nowadays, they have access to it, they can easily obtain their rights, make their own decisions and determine their own destiny in life." Since seizing power in 2021, the Taliban authorities have reinstated a ban on females accessing education after sixth grade. Mr Mujahid says the Taliban is still considering ways to change the education curriculum to better align with Islamic principles and Afghan culture. "It was initially stated that this is a temporary decision and that the needs would be assessed. We want to find a way that respects our Sharia principles and also achieves consensus in society." As Afghanistan emerged from a civil war, from 1996 to 2001, the Taliban controlled most of the country, imposing their interpretation of Sharia or Islamic religious law. In 2001, it was removed from power by a US-led invasion, but retook control when US forces left 20 years later - in 2021. Ever since, it has sought international recognition. In July this year, Russia announced itself as the first country to formally recognise the Taliban government in Afghanistan. Mr Mujahid says it understands the role of diplomacy. "But when you are not recognised by anyone and the diplomatic door is closed and then they have demands, it is not effective. We value our relations with Australia. We seek good relations with this country, with the Australian nation and with the Afghans residing in Australia. Consular services should be provided responsibly to the Afghan community living in Australia." An independent UN investigator on human rights in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, delivered a report to the UN General Assembly earlier this month in which he says the legal and judicial system are being used to oppress women and girls. He cited actions like the suspension of laws protecting women and girls, including a landmark law that criminalised 22 forms of violence such as rape and forced marriage. Maryam Zahid is the CEO of Afghan Women On the Move, a group that focuses on empowering women through digital and financial literacy, women's health advocacy and employment. "I came as a refugee myself 26 years ago and when I arrived in Australia under Women at Risk Program - and it has been 30 years that I was forced to leave Afghanistan. So it's been a long time for me to say it with confidence and say it telling the truth of how much the systematic barriers and the outdated laws and policies that looked at the refugees, especially women." She describes the situation back home. "Since the fall of Kabul and how much the patriarchal society now, it's kind of dominating the rights of women in Afghanistan. It's not as easy as we wish to kind of work with them. Even behind the scenes, even sending them money. It's quite risky for them to go and pick up money regardless of which terms we kind of send them." She says safety is a key issue - and there are risks from the misuse of artificial intelligence and social media that have put women in Afghanistan in danger. "Those images used against these women. And there were some even they were reported to Taliban and Taliban directly went and found them and yeah, they get warnings and they get abused." She says leaders in Australia should put their words into action. "Leaders should go beyond issuing statements. They should stand in solidarity with Afghan women. It's kind of sad to see that we are ignoring half of the population in a country, but also the diaspora that also women like me experienced Taliban. And we know the impact of those type of trauma that lasts with you forever." Khalid Amiri was a broadcast journalist in his home country - and now resides in Melbourne. He says he has not forgotten what life was like in Afghanistan that forced him to flee in 2021. "On 15th of August, Kabul fell to the Taliban and it was the worst nightmare that came true for all of us. And it was the biggest definition of betrayal by the international community towards the Afghans. How they threw Afghans to a regime that was killing them. And now this regime came into power and the entire international community was like: 'oh, we packed up our bags and we are leaving and the Afghans know what to do with it'." He says he is affected by survivor's guilt - wondering why he was able to escape the situation, but others still struggle to leave the country. "Why is the international community not listening to the plea of those Afghan girls left in Afghanistan? With my family that I speak to every day, to be really honest, it's not a brighter picture or it's not a positive picture that I get on daily basis from them. Particularly with the younger ones, they don't see a future for their self. Every youngster you meet is trying to find a way to leave the country." He says for those who can't make it to western countries, they are compelled to go to the neighbouring countries including Pakistan and Iran where they could face severe torture from the police. Mr Amiri says Iran has been sending back refugees to Afghanistan, which is another issue for the people who escaped the Taliban reprisals. "And the thing that makes us very upset is the deafening silence of world leaders. All we see is just a few tweets coming up on social media from them of condemnation. While there are no concrete steps being taken." Patrick Ryan is an independent humanitarian advocate for the former Afghan locally engaged staff of the Australian Embassy in Kabul. He used to be the facilities manager there. Mr Ryan says he was very pleased when DFAT reached out to him last year to help with the verification of some of their contracted employees that worked at the Australian embassy. "Since Australia made its intention to vacate the embassy in Kabul in May 2021, I began a fairly sustained advocacy campaign that ran for six months that involved assembling a delegation of representatives for the contracted employees at the embassy to organise their colleagues to make Afghan LEE ((Afghan Locally Engaged Employee Program)) applications to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade." The LEE program was established by the Australian government in 2012 as a pathway for priority processing for humanitarian visas for Afghan nationals who were employed with the Australian government in Afghanistan; and are at risk of harm due to their employment. It closed in May last year, but outstanding visa applications are still being processed. Since 2012, the program has helped more than 2,500 Afghans and their families to arrive in Australia. Mr Ryan says he understands there are 13 people he is helping who remain either stranded in Afghanistan or in third countries awaiting an outcome - and much more needs to be done to ensure their safety. "The Senate inquiry and the review of the immigration instrument 12 1 27 has taken nearly three years. During that time there's been no processing of anyone under any of the contracted employees under the Afghan LEE [[locally engaged employee]] special humanitarian visa program. And now we're seeing amendments made by the Albanese government excluding some of the people who may have previously been eligible for that program." He says he knows of two people awaiting a visa outcome who were at Australian embassy in Tehran when it was struck by a missile. "They then came under attack during the conflict between Iran and Israel. Some of them had to make lengthy journeys on foot to get out of Tehran and had to go back into Afghanistan into hiding whilst waiting for their visas." But he says there is still hope. "I'm very happy that our youngest member of staff, who I'll just call 'Khader' at the moment to protect his identity, is going to be arriving in Adelaide on the 20th of August this year, nearly four years after the fall of Kabul. He was only 14 years old when he worked at the embassy as an apprentice painter. He's since gained his degree in engineering at Caral Polytechnic, and he's going to be settling with relatives in Adelaide soon." He says it's really important for the Australian government and Department of Home Affairs to make sure that that the visa process is expedited. "I'm rather hoping that the government will streamline this process so there can be expedited for people who are still here four years out, so deserving of Australia's protection for the service they gave us in Afghanistan during our 20 year occupation."
