
Where were you when…? — Nahrizul Adib Kadri
Most of the time, it's not about geography. It's about memory. About anchoring ourselves to something larger. About remembering not just what happened, but how it made us feel.
For me, one such moment was the night of the 1992 Thomas Cup finals.
Malaysia versus Indonesia. Badminton, of course. It was a Saturday, and I was a 17-year-old schoolboy at the Malay College Kuala Kangsar. I watched it from the common room of our hostel, surrounded by boys in kain pelikat, clutching pillows, Milo mugs and SPM notes, all eyes fixed on a grainy television screen that struggled to keep up with the speed of the shuttle.
We won. We brought the cup home after 25 years. And for a few beautiful hours, everything else faded — prep class, homesickness, SPM trial stress — replaced by a kind of joy that felt bigger than sport. Bigger than school. Something national, something shared.
That moment, and others like it, become personal chapters in a larger story: the story of how we remember Malaysia.
The Malaysian team from 1992 Thomas Cup finals.
Another such chapter came in May 2018, when Malaysians went to the polls in what would become one of the most significant general elections in our history.
For the first time, the ruling coalition was changed. Not through force, not through upheaval, but through the quiet, determined power of the vote. People queued in the heat, some for hours. Some travelled across borders, taking buses and flights home just to mark an X on a ballot. There was tension, yes. But there was also something else: hope.
Hope that this country belonged to its people. That we were no longer just passengers, but co-pilots. That power could change hands peacefully. That we, the rakyat, are the ones responsible in deciding the direction of this country moving forward.
You didn't need to be in Putrajaya or Dataran Merdeka to feel it. You could have been watching from a living room in Penang, or a mamak in Johor Bahru, or a hostel room in Sarawak. It didn't matter where you were; because the moment definitely reached you.
That's what makes these memories powerful. They become shared reference points in the timeline of our lives.
Of course, not every Merdeka memory is tied to politics or spectacle. Sometimes, it's quieter. A flag being raised in your neighbourhood. A conversation over teh tarik about what independence really means. A late-night drive on empty roads, with patriotic songs playing softly on the radio. These small moments matter too.
Because nationhood is built not just on events, but on experience. It's not just the milestones we remember; it's the way they made us feel connected. Even when we were far apart.
And that's the thread I keep coming back to: our shared experiences.
You and I may have grown up in different towns, spoken different dialects, attended different schools. But the moment the Sidek brothers stepped onto the court, or when the results rolled in after GE14; we were there, in spirit, together.
And yet, these memories, whether personal or collective, are slowly fading.
We live in a time of fast timelines and short attention spans. Moments come and go, swallowed by algorithm and speed. The things that once glued us together are being replaced by smaller, more personalised stories. Of course they are important, yes, but they are also often disconnected from the whole.
That's why I believe now, more than ever, we need to start recording our stories. Not for history books, but for each other. For the generations who didn't grow up with the Thomas Cup, or the Reformasi years, or who never saw a transfer of power that felt truly earned.
It doesn't have to be big. Just honest. Write about where you were when something mattered. Tell your children what Merdeka meant to your parents. Share with a friend that memory you've always carried but never voiced.
Because if we don't pass these stories on, who will? So this Merdeka, ask someone: 'Where were you when…?' and listen carefully. Then share your own.
Memory, like nationhood, lives best when it is passed from hand to hand.
* Ir Dr Nahrizul Adib Kadri is a professor of biomedical engineering at the Faculty of Engineering, and the Principal of Ibnu Sina Residential College, Universiti Malaya.
** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Malay Mail
21 minutes ago
- Malay Mail
In Sabah, stateless children are learning; even if the state pretends they don't exist — Delpedro Marhaen
AUGUST 16 — In Teluk Layang, Kota Kinabalu, there is a school with no flag, no ministry signboard, and no official status. You won't find it on any government list of educational institutions. It stands quietly behind Universiti Malaysia Sabah — a modest wooden structure with half-open walls, open to the wind and the salt of the sea. On some afternoons, you can hear the sound of children reciting poetry, their voices competing with the roar of the waves. These are not just any children. In the eyes of the Malaysian state, they are invisible. They are stateless. Their parents came from the southern Philippines or Indonesia decades ago, fleeing conflict, poverty, or persecution. Many have lived here for four generations. But without citizenship papers, their children inherit the same legal limbo — no MyKad, no birth certificate, no rights to basic services. No school will take them. The Teluk Layang Alternative School exists for these children. And it is not alone — similar schools operate in Tawau and Sampoerna. Together, they serve more than 150 stateless children, offering the one thing the state has denied them: an education. But this is not a government project. The teachers here are not civil servants. They are students, activists, and workers who believe education is a right, not a privilege to be rationed out by bureaucrats. A courier. A t-shirt printer. A junior high school graduate. For almost a decade, they have shown up every day, unpaid, to teach in classrooms without desks or chairs. The curriculum is broader than you might expect. Reading, writing, and arithmetic are just the beginning. The children also learn farming, sewing, cooking, health and safety, and self-reliance. They discuss how to protect themselves from workplace exploitation, child marriage, and abuse — because for the stateless, these are not abstract dangers but daily realities. The philosophy here draws from Paulo Freire's Pedagogy of the Oppressed: education as a tool for liberation, a way to build critical thinking and resistance against injustice. In this school, the act of learning is also the act of claiming a place in the world. Some of the best proof of its impact comes from its own alumni. Niko and Damal, once students here, returned years later as teachers. Others have gone on to start community projects or win grants to serve their neighbourhoods. Many have broken free from destructive habits like glue-sniffing — a common escape in communities with no safe spaces for youth. Sabah's stateless crisis is neither small nor new. Suhakam estimates between half a million and one million stateless children live here. Unicef reports tens of thousands are entirely excluded from formal schooling. History explains some of it — the nomadic Bajau Laut existed long before Malaysia's borders, the Moro conflict sent waves of refugees across the sea, and political manoeuvres like the 'IC Project' deepened the documentation gap. But history is not an excuse for inaction. The teachers here are not civil servants. They are students, activists, and workers who believe education is a right, not a privilege to be rationed out by bureaucrats. — Freepik pic Instead of offering solutions, policy often paints these communities as a 'security threat'. The irony is stark: it is the denial of education, not the granting of it, that truly threatens security. A generation left uneducated is a generation locked out of opportunity — more vulnerable to exploitation, crime, and despair. The alternative schools show another way. They prove that citizenship is not just a legal status printed on a card. It is a lived practice — something you can enact daily through participation, solidarity, and shared responsibility. But they also remind us how fragile such grassroots efforts can be. Without legal recognition or stable funding, these schools survive on donations and sheer determination, all while facing the constant threat of eviction in the name of 'development' or tourism. If you visit Teluk Layang, you might be tempted to see it as a story of charity. But this is not charity. It is justice in action. It is a community filling the gap left by a state that has turned away. And here is the uncomfortable truth: education should never depend on whether a child has the right papers. The right to learn should be unconditional. The state's duty is not optional. Sabah's stateless children are not 'problems' to be solved or 'threats' to be contained. They are young people with talents, dreams, and a right to exist. Every day, in classrooms without flags, they are proving they are worth investing in. The question is not whether they can succeed — they already are. The question is whether Malaysia will finally choose to see them. * Delpedro Marhaen is the executive driector of Lokataru Foundation. ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.


Malay Mail
an hour ago
- Malay Mail
Singapore authorities to review Malaysian tycoon Ong Beng Seng's PR status
SINGAPORE, Aug 16 — Malaysian billionaire Ong Beng Seng's permanent resident (PR) status in Singapore will be reviewed following his conviction and sentencing for abetting obstruction of justice in a case linked to former Transport Minister S. Iswaran, according to local media reports. An Immigration and Checkpoints Authority (ICA) spokesperson told The Straits Times (ST) yesterday that it will review the PR status of Singapore permanent residents who have been convicted of an offence. Ong, 79, was fined the maximum amount of S$30,000 on Friday after he pleaded guilty to the charge on Aug 4. A second charge of abetting a public servant in obtaining gifts under Section 165 was taken into consideration for sentencing. Principal District Judge Lee Lit Cheng agreed with both the prosecution and defence that judicial mercy should be exercised in this case due to Ong's ill health. The property tycoon suffers from advanced multiple myeloma, an incurable form of cancer that has damaged his skeletal system and severely compromised his immune system, making him highly vulnerable to life-threatening infections. He also suffers from other complications that further increase his risk of infection and place him at risk of gangrene. — Bernama

Malay Mail
an hour ago
- Malay Mail
Umno Youth chief faces sedition and threat probes after Kepala Batas assembly
KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 16 — Umno Youth chief Datuk Dr Muhamad Akmal Saleh completed giving his statement at the Dang Wangi District Police Headquarters (IPD) here at 1.25am today over the assembly in Kepala Batas, Penang last Thursday. Muhamad Akmal's lawyer, Aizat Azam, said the Merlimau assemblyman had extended good cooperation and answered all of the approximately 80 questions posed by the investigating officer. 'He (Muhamad Akmal) was investigated under Section 4(1) of the Sedition Act 1948, Section 506 of the Penal Code, and Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998,' he told reporters when met in front of the IPD today. Meanwhile, Muhamad Akmal said he would give full cooperation to the police in the investigation into the case. He arrived at the Dang Wangi IPD at 11pm yesterday to have his statement recorded. The police had earlier confirmed that they had opened an investigation over a viral video posted on the Facebook account under the name 'Akmal Salleh'. — Bernama