Anton Kobyakov: The quiet power behind Putin's Russia
Anton Kobyakov, Russian presidential adviser, executive secretary of the Organising Committee for Russia's SCO Presidency in 2014-2015 and Russia's BRICS Presidency in 2015-2016 at the briefing for organisational aspects of hosting the SCO and BRICSD summits on July 07, 2015 in Ufa, Russia. (Photo by Host Photo Agency/Ria Novosti via Getty Images)
Anton Kobyakov – remember the name. He is a soft-spoken, erudite and affable Russian politician who serves as a special advisor to Russian President Vladimir Putin.
He also serves on the highest echelons of Roscongress, a state-owned enterprise responsible for various strategic initiatives, including international events assembly and management, as well as stakeholder relations and networks development.
The unassuming Kobyakov, pictured, holds a degree in biology and a PhD in economics. He is a graduate of the Presidential Russian Civil Service Academy and his official title is 'Professor', although he never takes umbrage with being referred to simply as 'Mr Kobyakov'.
He has had an illustrious career as a civil servant.
From 1992-2003, he served as deputy governor of Kemerovo region before pro – ceeding to hold various posts in the Presidential Office from 2005 to date.
But it is as a political tactician that Kobyakov – born on 23 June, 1968 – is better-known across the Russian circles through the length and breadth of the largest country in the world. Russia's total area stands at 17 098 242km² and also has 11 different time zones.
ALSO READ: Trump says will speak to Putin to end Ukraine 'bloodbath'
The 57-year-old academic high achiever works in the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation with a calm demeanour as a fountain of wisdom.
His civil service rank is '1st class state advisor', loosely translated – an equivalence of the military rank of the army general or fleet admiral.
Kobyakov's philosophy is interesting: 'Anything (in life) is either a poison or medicine, depending on the dose,' he told a packed press conference in St Petersburg, Russia's cultural mecca.
At the recently completed St Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF), Russia's flagship annual event, Kobyakov was tasked with single-handedly briefing up to 100 local and international journalists about the outcome of SPIEF 2025.
The event was attended by 24 000 participants from 144 countries, Kobyakov announced. A total of 1 060 trade agreements were entered into over the five days, from 18-22 June. The agreements were worth 6.3 trillion rubles (about R1.4 trillion), said Kobyakov.
'We are seeing rapid fragmentation of the global economy,' he said.
ALSO READ: Russia-Ukraine talks resume in Istanbul, but expectations remain low
Kobyakov is a trusted ally of Putin, serving him as a special advisor since 2014.
His reflections appear to represent Putin's and Putin's expressed views also appear to represent Kobyakov's.
The two seem to be intricately intertwined, at least ideologically. As brothers-in-arms, they are no doubt joined at the hip.
Reflecting on the current state of unpredictable geopolitics, Kobyakov said: 'We are witnessing tectonic shifts in the world. We see no international law.'
Since the outbreak of the Ukraine war in 2022, the European Union, along with most of the West, imposed an unprecedented barrage of sanctions on Russia. Kobyakov said Ukraine was itself a victim of the West's imperial agenda.
'Kyiv is on a tight leash,' he said, before singling out Britain.
ALSO READ: UK urges Putin to 'get serious about peace'
'The UK has gone too far in managing this conflict.'
The focus of the US and EU pushing to boost their military budgets is another example of the West's disinterest in peaceful coexistence and desire for continuous conflict that can never defeat Russia anyway.
'Russia will never allow any outsider to set their dirty boots on Russian soil,' Kobyakov warned.
Given that Putin is 72 and the trusted veteran foreign affairs minister, Sergey Lavrov 75, Kobyakov appears to represent a Russian future that is intrinsically in sync with the present.
This is despite his penchant to perform his duties under the radar.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
TimesLIVE
8 hours ago
- TimesLIVE
Poland's Tusk has 'many fears and a lot of hope' before Trump-Putin talks
Poland's prime minister Donald Tusk said on Monday he felt a mixture of fear and hope ahead of a Russia-US summit on the war in Ukraine this week, but added that Washington had pledged to consult its European partners before the talks. US President Donald Trump will meet his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin in Alaska on August 15, and Kyiv fears the two leaders may try to dictate terms for ending the three-and-a-half-year war. 'The American side has promised it will consult with European partners on its position before the meeting in Alaska,' Tusk told a news conference. 'I will wait ... for the effects of the meeting between presidents Trump and Putin — I have many fears and a lot of hope.' He said Trump's recent comments on the war in Ukraine could give the impression the US president was increasingly understanding Ukrainian and European arguments regarding the conflict, but he was not 100% sure that this position would be lasting.
IOL News
13 hours ago
- IOL News
South Africa's National Dialogue: A cry for help or a catalyst for change?
Nomvula Zeldah Mabuza is a Risk Governance and Compliance Specialist with extensive experience in strategic risk and industrial operations. She holds a Diploma in Business Management (Accounting) from Brunel University, UK, and is an MBA candidate at Henley Business School, South Africa. Few moments in South Africa's democratic history have so starkly reflected the widening gap between policy intention and institutional delivery. The announcement of a National Dialogue comes at a time when social trust is fraying, growth has stalled, and many South Africans feel locked out of their country's economic future. With unemployment at 32.9%, public debt at 74% of GDP, and GDP growth projected at just 1.1% for 2025, the dialogue presents both a symbolic threshold and a substantive opportunity. Whether it signals a willingness to confront structural failure or merely gestures at inclusion without consequence remains to be seen. But what is clear is that the path forward cannot be paved with rhetoric alone. Simultaneously, South Africa's evolving relationship with BRICS, following the bloc's 2024 expansion to include Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the UAE, adds a new layer of geopolitical complexity. While the New Development Bank offers infrastructure funding, the absence of strategic clarity has raised concerns about the country's ability to fully leverage these National Dialogue could offer a turning point, but only if it prioritises tangible outcomes over symbolism. This includes measurable progress on economic stabilisation, BRICS alignment, sectoral coordination and governance reform. It must also amplify the voices of those most affected by systemic failure, unemployed youth, rural communities and the working poor. If designed with vision and integrity, the dialogue can catalyse reform; if not, it risks becoming yet another footnote in a long history of political deflection. The backdrop to the National Dialogue is a faltering economy and an increasingly disillusioned population. South Africa's official unemployment rate remains at 32.9%, with youth unemployment above 50%. The Gini coefficient stands at 0.63, among the highest globally, while GDP growth lags behind BRICS peers, projected at just 1.1% for 2025. In comparison, India's economy is forecast to grow by 6.4% and Brazil's by 4.2%.The fiscal picture is equally troubling. South Africa's public debt has surged to 74% of GDP, limiting investment in public services, infrastructure and employment-generating industries. Inefficiencies at Transnet and key ports cost the economy an estimated R60 billion annually, highlighting chronic underperformance in critical state institutions. South Africa is no stranger to national engagements that raise hope but falter on follow-through. The true test of this dialogue will not be who participates, but what survives beyond the agenda. Without hard implementation mechanisms, even the most inclusive process risks reinforcing public scepticism. One of the clearest indicators of South Africa's institutional fragility lies in its power utility, Eskom. Although the past year has seen relative grid stability following aggressive maintenance and emergency procurement measures, the underlying structural weaknesses remain unresolved. Decades of underinvestment, cadre deployment, skills loss and procurement failures have hollowed out the institution's capacity, leaving it vulnerable to future shocks. Despite temporary reprieve, Eskom's operational and financial recovery remains precarious. At the heart of the issue is not the question of private sector involvement, but of restoring capable, accountable public ownership that works. South Africans do not want their core infrastructure auctioned off to private interests; they want it to function transparently, efficiently and in service of the public good. The National Dialogue must confront this directly by addressing institutional reform, skills rebuilding and depoliticisation without drifting into a quiet transfer of public assets under the guise of reform. South Africans are not resisting progress; they are demanding that it serve the people functionally, transparently and without forfeiting public rural areas, where over 70% of people live in poverty, economic exclusion remains entrenched. Despite these realities, policy responses have often lacked urgency and coherence. Government-led strategies, such as Operation Vulindlela, have shown promise but remain uneven in implementation. A functional National Dialogue must prioritise structural reform over political optics. It must drive consensus around energy stabilisation, fiscal consolidation and employment growth. Without this, South Africa risks further marginalisation, both domestically and within the BRICS bloc. South Africa's deepening ties with BRICS offer both a lifeline and a liability. The bloc's 2024 expansion to include Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the UAE has raised BRICS's share of global trade to nearly 20%. For South Africa, this presents the opportunity to act as a continental conduit, particularly through the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The New Development Bank has earmarked $5 billion for African infrastructure, including rail modernisation, a potential boon given the estimated R60 billion in annual export losses linked to logistics bottlenecks. BRICS partnerships in digital technologies and green energy also present pathways for economic diversification, especially relevant given the country's 50% youth unemployment rate. Yet, South Africa's economic heft pales in comparison to other members. With a GDP of $373 billion, its voice is dwarfed by China's $18.3 trillion and India's $3.4 trillion economies. Furthermore, rising tensions within the bloc, particularly between China and India, could complicate South Africa's ability to pursue mutually beneficial outcomes. Over-reliance on BRICS may also undermine longstanding relationships with Western trading partners, who account for 40% of the country's trade. The National Dialogue must confront these geopolitical trade-offs head-on. A clear BRICS strategy, anchored in national priorities and linked to AfCFTA implementation, must be developed. South Africa finds itself in a unique geopolitical moment—serving as a BRICS member in an expanded bloc while also holding the G20 presidency from December 2024 to November 2025, the first African nation to do so. This dual stewardship presents both a rare opportunity and a test of agency, requiring South Africa to balance multipolar ambitions with national and continental priorities across two vastly different global platforms. The creation of a dedicated BRICS coordination task force, spanning government, business and academia, could help ensure investments translate into broad-based development, otherwise, the risk remains that BRICS will deepen existing inequalities rather than dismantle them. South Africa's core governance failures lie not in the absence of policy, but in its lack of execution and coordination. The 50% youth unemployment rate is not simply an economic statistic; it reflects a structural mismatch between skills training and the demands of the labour market. Vocational education and technical training remain underfunded and undervalued, even as BRICS partners ramp up investments in future-facing industries. Land reform is similarly stagnant. Nearly three decades after democracy, only around 10% of commercial farmland has been redistributed, leaving rural inequality largely intact. These delays are not just historical injustices; they are economic risks that perpetuate instability. Rebuilding functionality will require more than new plans; it will depend on capacity audits, merit-based appointments and independent oversight to anchor reform in real systems change. Corruption compounds these failures. South Africa scored 41 out of 100 on the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index, reflecting enduring concerns about procurement irregularities, political interference and the lack of institutional is also an inability to fully leverage multilateral platforms. Despite access to the New Development Bank and the BRICS Network University, South Africa has not meaningfully harnessed these to address local development gaps or skills deficits. For the National Dialogue to succeed, it must go beyond rhetoric. Multi-stakeholder task forces should be mandated to resolve sector-specific issues, with clear timeframes and reporting lines. Strengthening the National Prosecuting Authority and reinforcing public procurement transparency will be essential in rebuilding trust. The concept of a National Dialogue, when executed with genuine intent, can serve as a powerful mechanism for collective reform. Framed as a consensus-building forum between government, civil society, business and labour, South Africa's dialogue will only succeed if it avoids the hallmarks of past engagements, symbolism without substance. To be effective, the dialogue must be rooted in four focus areas. First, economic stabilisation, including clearly defined timelines for job creation, infrastructure investment and fiscal consolidation. Second, strategic BRICS integration, with a national plan to align New Development Bank funding with country priorities while expanding the reach of AfCFTA to small businesses and rural economies. Third, sectoral coordination, through task teams that address misalignments in education, energy and land reform. Fourth, governance reform, focused on anti-corruption efforts and the strengthening of prosecutorial lessons offer guidance. Tunisia's post-revolution National Dialogue resulted in a widely supportedconstitution and renewed democratic consensus. By contrast, Burundi's failed dialogue collapsed under state interference and exclusionary tactics. The inclusion of marginalised voices will be critical. Youth, women and rural communities must be active participants, not passive observers. Transparent monitoring and public reporting on the dialogue's outcomes should be mandated to prevent the process from becoming yet another chapter in policy theatre. None of these imperatives are blind to the reality of South Africa's political landscape. Deep reform does not unfold in a single summit. But if the National Dialogue is to matter, it must outlive the day it ends. Change will depend on continuous pressure, public vigilance and a generational commitment to institutional is being tested now is not whether South Africa can convene yet another national conversation, but whether it can translate that conversation into durable, measurable progress. This is not a cry for help; it is a call for leadership.
TimesLIVE
15 hours ago
- TimesLIVE
Zelensky wins EU, Nato backing as he seeks place at Trump-Putin talks
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky won diplomatic backing from Europe and the Nato alliance on Sunday ahead of a Russia-US summit this week where Kyiv fears Russian President Vladimir Putin and US President Donald Trump may try to dictate terms for ending the war. Trump, who for weeks had been threatening new sanctions against Russia for failing to halt the war, announced instead on Friday he would meet Putin on August 15 in Alaska. A White House official said Trump is open to Zelensky attending but preparations are under way for only a bilateral meeting. Russian strikes injured at least 12 people in Ukraine's Zaporizhzhia region, the country's foreign affairs ministry said on Sunday. Responding to the strike, Zelensky said: 'That is why sanctions are needed, pressure is needed.' The Kremlin leader last week ruled out meeting Zelensky, saying conditions for such an encounter were 'unfortunately still far' from being met. Trump said a potential deal would involve 'some swapping of territories to the betterment of the two (sides)", compounding Ukrainian fears that it may face pressure to surrender land. Zelensky said any decisions taken without Ukraine will be 'stillborn' and unworkable. On Saturday the leaders of Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Finland and the European Commission said any diplomatic solution must protect the security interests of Ukraine and Europe. 'The US has the power to force Russia to negotiate seriously,' EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said on Sunday. 'Any deal between the US and Russia must have Ukraine and the EU included for it is a matter of Ukraine's and the whole of Europe's security.' EU foreign ministers will meet on Monday to discuss next steps, she said. Nato secretary-general Mark Rutte told US network ABC News Friday's summit 'will be about testing Putin, how serious he is on bringing the terrible war to an end'. He said: 'It will be, of course, about security guarantees, but also about the absolute need to acknowledge Ukraine decides on its own future, that Ukraine has to be a sovereign nation, deciding on its own geopolitical future.' Russia holds nearly a fifth of the country.
