Mani Shankar Aiyar attacks Tharoor with Op Sindoor jab, Congress distances itself
"None of the 33 countries that the delegation led by Shashi Tharoor visited said that Pakistan was behind the attack. Not even the UN or the US said it. We are the only ones who are beating their chests and saying that Pakistan was indeed responsible for it," Aiyar said while speaking to news agency IANS."No one believes our version. We don't have any evidence that can convince the world as to which Pakistani agency plotted it," he added.Meanwhile, the Congress has distanced itself from Aiyar's controversial statement, saying that he should not be taken seriously."Don't pay attention to these statements. They misguide the nation. He is not a Congress member," party spokesperson Randeep Surjewala said while speaking to India Today TV.On April 22, terrorists belonging to The Resistance Front (TRF), an offshoot of Pakistani terror group Lashkar-e-Taiba, stormed the Baisaran Valley in Pahalgam and gunned down 26 civilians, which included 25 tourists.As a response, India carried out Operation Sindoor precision strikes on Pakistani terror infrastructure, destroying nine terror launch pads and killing over 100 terrorists on the intervening night of May 6-7.Days after the three-day military conflict, the government dispatched seven multi-party delegations to over 30 countries to highlight India's strong stance against terrorism following Operation Sindoor. One of the delegations was led by Shashi Tharoor.The delegations had been sent as part of India's diplomatic campaign to draw attention to the Pahalgam terror attack and India's subsequent response. Each group visited key capitals around the world to underline India's resolve against Pakistan-sponsored terrorism and reinforce the country's commitment to global peace.Notably, the South American country Colombia, who first condoled the deaths in Pakistan and the Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK) during the Operation Sindoor strikes, backtracked following Shashi Tharoor's sharp reprimand.Over 50 individuals were part of the outreach mission, including current and former MPs and ex-diplomats. Among the leaders who headed the delegations were BJP's Ravi Shankar Prasad and Baijayant Panda, Congress MP Shashi Tharoor, JD(U)'s Sanjay Jha, Shiv Sena's Shrikant Shinde, DMK's Kanimozhi, and NCP(SP)'s Supriya Sule.- EndsMust Watch
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Hindustan Times
12 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
For Pakistan & US, it is back to doing business
There is a discernible sense of satisfaction within Pakistan's strategic fraternity at the undeniable uptick in the US-Pakistan interface over the past few months. Some may dispute the extent, but given how the relationship had eroded in the past decade-and-a-half, any improvement represents a big change. Given the transactional nature that dominates the US, there is the temptation to find direct factors for the upswing in US-Pakistan relations. (AP) The principal milestones of the US-Pakistan downturn are well known. For Pakistan, the US detection and killing of Osama bin Laden in 2011 in Abbottabad was a betrayal and a public humiliation. For many Pakistanis, that the US acted clandestinely deep inside Pakistan superseded the enormity of the fact that Osama had been living there all the time under the very noses of the Pakistan military. The free fall continued with mounting US frustrations over Pakistan's double game in Afghanistan. President Trump's 2018 New Year Day tweet exemplified this view. The tweet underlined US foolishness in giving Pakistan billions of dollars in aid in return for deceit and lies! This was consistent with emergent US narratives about Pakistan, but that it was from the President himself made it doubly significant. Through the Biden tenure matters crystallised at a low plateau of bad blood and mutual recriminations. The US's final withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 in disorder and disarray added another layer to the deep strategic mistrust and suspicion that now characterised the relationship. President Biden did not have even a telecon with Imran Khan during the time he was PM and Imran Khan in turn blamed the US for his premature ouster from power. In the meantime, most US military and security assistance was suspended. What perhaps hurt Pakistan the most was the impact this had on training programmes for Pakistan military officers in the US. All this happened also when the India-US relationship seemed effortlessly to go from strength to strength. This further highlighted the distance between Washington and Islamabad. The past few months appear quite different. The change was animated quite dramatically by Field Marshal Asim Munir being hosted by President Trump in June 2025 in the immediate aftermath of Operation Sindoor. It is most unusual — perhaps even unprecedented — for a US president to host a chief of a foreign military who is not a head of State or government. This shift also coincides with new ambiguities in the US-India interface — perhaps triggered by President Trump's constant reiteration of having prevented further escalation in the India-Pakistan conflict during Operation Sindoor. To many in Pakistan, this has 'internationalised' Kashmir and highlighted the importance of third-party intervention as equally that even the US was skeptical about India's claims and demands. There had been earlier indicators of change beginning with President Trump's acknowledgement of Pakistan's counter-terrorism assistance in his State of the Union Address in March 2025. The allocation of a significant financial package as assistance to Pakistan for maintaining its F16 aircraft despite an otherwise stringent foreign aid cutback, was another. Alongside, more even-handed references to the India-Pakistan dynamic, meetings and telephone conversations between the US secretary of State and senior Pakistan leaders further underlined this shift. The announcement of a US-Pakistan Trade Agreement, albeit with a 19% tariff on imports from Pakistan, and Trump's enthusiastic references to hydrocarbon exploration and investment, are but the latest in this trend. The trade agreement may not be the best deal Pakistan could have got, but it is not as bad as could have been, and in any case some deal was better than no deal as far as the government of Pakistan was concerned. It may well be argued that there is nothing particularly significant in these transitions, but for most Pakistanis they suggest a return of their country to the US's radar after a long period of being out in the cold. What explains this shift? Given the transactional frame of mind that dominates the US, there is always the temptation to look for a direct and material factor. Numerous reasons are, therefore, assigned for this shift in US policy. Pakistan's counter-terrorism potential and the assistance it can offer is one. That the US is keen to have some relationship with Pakistan given the growing spread of China in the region is another. There is also the view that recommendations of the US Central Command on Pakistan's military potential vis-à-vis Iran in terms of its geographical location and the value of its air bases may have registered on the Presidency amid the current situation in West and South West Asia. Some argue that this shift in policy was also pushed along by crypto currency deals, and by US interest in potential Pakistani reserves of rare earth minerals. Each of these explanations may have some merit but perhaps the weight of any or all of these should not be exaggerated. Instead, it is useful to refocus on some basics. Pakistan is the fifth largest country in the world in terms of population with some 250 million people. It is riven by instability. It has nuclear weapons. It is situated in a sensitive geo-political location, almost in a global fault line. Given these attributes it was always only a matter of time that the long downturn in US Pakistan relations would reverse and US interest in Pakistan would reignite. We are at that stage now. All major powers decide on policies based on an appreciation of their own interests and their own understandings of evolving situations. To think that the long downturn in US Pakistan relations would have simply continued or that the US would see developments from our perspective alone is, and never was, a realistic assessment. We should take this shift in our stride. If some in India feel betrayed or dismayed at this turn of events, they have only themselves to blame. TCA Raghavan is a former Indian high commissioner to Pakistan. The views expressed are personal.
Indian Express
12 minutes ago
- Indian Express
‘Baseless, deeply objectionable': Jaisalmer Royal slams new NCERT textbook depicting city as part of ‘Maratha Empire'
The newly released NCERT Class 8 Social Science textbook has run into controversy, with a member of the Jaisalmer royal family objecting to a map depicting Jaisalmer as part of the Maratha empire, calling it 'historically misleading.' Chaitanya Raj Singh of the erstwhile princely state of Jaisalmer wrote in a post on X on Monday: 'The map shown in the NCERT Social Science textbook for Class 8 (Unit 3, page number 71) depicts Jaisalmer as a part of the then Maratha Empire, which is historically misleading, factually baseless, and deeply objectionable.' 'In the context of the Jaisalmer princely state, no authentic historical sources mention any Maratha dominance, invasion, taxation, or authority. On the contrary, our royal records clearly state that the Marathas never had any interference in the Jaisalmer princely state,' he added. The map he referred to shows the extent of the Maratha empire, along with tributary states, in 1759. In addition to parts of the western coast, it shows the Maratha empire as covering a large part of the northern plains and present-day Gujarat, Rajasthan, Lahore, and Peshawar. 'Such unverified and historically unsubstantiated information not only raises questions about the credibility of institutions like NCERT but also hurts our glorious history and public sentiments. This issue is not merely a textbook error but appears to be an attempt to tarnish the sacrifices, sovereignty, and valorous saga of our ancestors,' Singh wrote in his post. कक्षा 8 की NCERT की सामाजिक विज्ञान विषय पाठ्यपुस्तक (Unit 3, पृष्ठ संख्या 71) में दर्शाए गए मानचित्र में जैसलमेर को तत्कालीन मराठा साम्राज्य का भाग दर्शाया गया है, जो कि ऐतिहासिक रूप से भ्रामक, तथ्यहीन और गम्भीर रूप से आपत्तिजनक है। इस प्रकार की अपुष्ट और ऐतिहासिक साक्ष्यविहीन… — Chaitanya Raj Singh (@crsinghbhati) August 4, 2025 He urged Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan to take 'such erroneous, malicious, and agenda-driven presentations by NCERT' seriously and called for their immediate correction. 'This is not just a matter of factual correction but is connected to our historical dignity, self-respect, and the integrity of the national curriculum. Prompt and concrete action is expected on this matter,' he wrote. The NCERT has not responded to a request for comment. The new Class 8 Social Science textbook, released last month, includes a separate chapter on the Marathas. Under the old curriculum, the Class 7 History textbook had a section on the Marathas as part of a chapter on 18th-century political formations. That chapter had two maps indicating state formations during that period. While it did not mark specific boundaries, it placed the Marathas in the region of present-day Maharashtra, with arrows pointing outward to indicate their expansion, and the Rajputs around present-day Rajasthan. The chapter in the old textbook stated: 'By the 1730s, the Maratha king was recognised as the overlord of the entire Deccan peninsula.' It added: 'After raiding Delhi in 1737, the frontiers of Maratha domination expanded rapidly: into Rajasthan and the Punjab in the north; into Bengal and Orissa in the east; and into Karnataka and the Tamil and Telugu countries in the South. These were not formally included in the Maratha empire, but were made to pay tribute as a way of accepting Maratha sovereignty.'
Scroll.in
12 minutes ago
- Scroll.in
Assam to drop foreigners tribunal cases against non-Muslims who entered state before 2015, cites CAA
The Assam Government has asked district authorities and members of the foreigners tribunals to drop cases against members of six communities – Hindu, Christian, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain and Parsi – who entered the state on or before December 31, 2014, citing the Citizenship Amendment Act. The state's home and political department held a meeting on July 17 and had discussed 'issues related to Foreigners Tribunal with reference to Citizenship Amendment Act' and the 'dropping off cases'. The meeting was held following a directive from Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma. The Citizenship Amendment Act is aimed to provide a fast track to citizenship to refugees from six minority religious communities, except Muslims, from Bangladesh, Afghanistan and Pakistan, on the condition that they have lived in India for six years and have entered the country by December 31, 2014. It was passed by Parliament in December 2019. The Union government notified the rules under the Act in March 2024. The foreigners tribunals in Assam are quasi-judicial bodies that adjudicate on matters of citizenship based on lineage and a 1971 cut-off date. They rely primarily on documents submitted by persons to establish their family's residency in Assam or India before 1971. The tribunals have been accused of arbitrariness and bias, and declaring people foreigners on the basis of minor spelling mistakes, a lack of documents or lapses in memory. Of the 1.6 lakh persons declared foreigners so far, more than 69,500 are Hindus. The department, under which the border police and the foreigners tribunals function, directed district commissioners, police chiefs and members of the tribunals to submit an action taken report in the matter. 'As per the amendments made to the Citizenship Act, the FTs are not supposed to pursue cases of foreigners belonging to the six specified communities (Hindu, Christian, Buddhist, Sikh, Parsi and Jain communities) who had entered into Assam on or prior to 31.12.2014,' showed the minutes of the meeting signed by Ajay Tiwari, the additional chief secretary, home and political department. Scroll has seen the document. 'It was suggested to drop all such cases,' the minutes added. It added: 'In this regard, the district commissioner and the senior SPs [superintendent of police] should immediately convene a meeting with their respective FT members and also review the developments periodically and submit the action taken report to this department.' The notification sent to district authorities said that 'foreigners should be encouraged and supported' for applying for Indian citizenship as per provisions of the Citizenship Amendment Act. It also noted that the Assam government had issued 'clear cut' instructions for withdrawal of all cases filed against persons belonging to the Gorkha and Koch-Rajbongshi communities. 'This should be complied with forthwith,' the government said. In July 2024, the Assam government had asked the state's border police not to forward cases of non-Muslims who had entered India illegally before 2014 to foreigners tribunals. The border police, which investigates citizenship cases, was told by the Assam home department at the time that the undocumented immigrants from the six communities should 'be advised' instead to apply for citizenship on the Citizenship Amendment Act portal, and that their cases would be decided by the Union government. Sarma had said at the time that existing cases would not be dropped. Critics contend that the Citizenship Amendment Act undermines the 1985 Assam Accord between the Union government and the leaders of the Assam Movement, which was launched in 1979 to identify and deport undocumented immigrants. The accord stipulates that anyone who entered Assam after the midnight of March 24, 1971, be identified and deported. Assamese nationalist view 'illegal migrants', irrespective of their religion, as a threat to the state's culture and resources. The Citizenship Amendment Act had sparked massive protests in Assam and several other parts of the country in 2019 and 2020. However, the amended law was welcomed by Assam's Bengali Hindus. In August 2019, Assam published a National Register of Citizens with the aim of separating Indian citizens from undocumented immigrants living in the state. More than 19 lakh persons, or 5.7% of the applicants, were left out of the final list. In March 2024, Sarma said five lakh Bengali Hindus, two lakh Assamese Hindu groups Koch-Rajbongshi, Das, Kalita and Sarma (Assamese), and 1.5 lakh Gorkhas had been left out of the National Register of Citizens. The chief minister had also said that seven lakh Muslims are among the 19 lakh persons excluded from the register. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party had claimed that Hindus excluded from the register in Assam would be able to gain citizenship under the amended law. There have been fears that Muslims would be the only ones who stand to lose their citizenship in such an exercise.
