Elon Musk's new America Party sparks support and bitter backlash. Check the list of who's backing him and who's not
After Musk announced the creation of the 'America Party' on X (formerly Twitter), billionaire entrepreneur Mark Cuban chimed in with an encouraging reply.
Cuban wrote: 'I work with [Center for Competitive Democracy]. They will help you get on ballots. That is their mission.'
The Center for Competitive Democracy is known for helping independent candidates qualify for state ballots, underscoring that Musk's effort could quickly become a serious logistical operation.
Anthony Scaramucci, who briefly served as Donald Trump's White House communications director in 2017, also expressed interest.
In a short post, Scaramucci said: 'I would like to meet to discuss.'
Other tech and social media personalities voiced enthusiasm, including Brian Krassenstein, who asked: 'Awesome! Where can we see more information?'
While some were excited, Trump's allies were swift to condemn Musk's move.
On his podcast The War Room, former White House chief strategist Steve Bannon launched an especially personal attack: 'The buffoon. Elmo the Mook, formerly known as Elon Musk, Elmo the Mook. He's today, in another smear, and this—only a foreigner could do this—think about it, he's got up on Twitter right now, a poll about starting an America Party, a non-American starting an America Party.'
Bannon added: 'No, brother, you're not an American. You're a South African. We take enough time and prove the facts of that, you should be deported because it's a crime of what you did—among many.'
Trump ally Laura Loomer speculated that well-known conservatives like Tucker Carlson, Marjorie Taylor Greene, and Thomas Massie could side with Musk.
Musk's decision follows a feud with Donald Trump over what is called "One Big Beautiful Bill'—a tax and spending package.
Musk recently severed ties with the Trump White House, where he had been tapped to lead the Department of Government Efficiency.
On Saturday, Musk formalised the split, posting: 'Today, the America Party is formed to give you back your freedom.'
He cited a July 4 poll of his followers in which 65.4% supported forming a new party.
Although Musk, a foreign-born US citizen, cannot run for President himself, he is legally allowed to bankroll third-party candidates and help them get on the ballot in all 50 states.
And, the America Party could immediately complicate both Republican and Democratic strategies in the 2026 midterms.
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The Hindu
a minute ago
- The Hindu
India's smartphone and chip ambitions on track amid tariffs uncertainties
The announcement of a 50% tariff on exports to the U.S. from India has triggered concerns across the tech industry. On paper, it sounds like a direct threat to India's growing role in smartphone assembly and its emerging semiconductor ambitions, but in reality, the near-term impact is much smaller than headlines suggest. The structure of electronics manufacturing, the nature of global supply chains and India's unique position in this sector mean that the country's growth trajectory remains largely intact — at least for now. 'The imposition of 50% tariffs structure on India will have distinct impact across electronics exports from India to US, including smartphones, and other electronics assembled in India. In particular, the net impact will be governed by the proposed Trump's 100% tariff on inbound semiconductors supply chain,' said Dr. Danish Faruqui, the CEO of Fab Economics, a U.S. based boutique semiconductor Fab/OSAT Greenfield projects implementation and investment advisory firm. US President Donald Trump's April 5 executive order excludes smartphones, tablets, laptops, servers and telecom equipment from reciprocal tariffs. Therefore smartphone exports to the U.S. from countries like India, China and Vietnam are insulated from reciprocal tariffs. This includes the current 50% tariff on India. 'The only constant with the U.S. tariffs has been the change of status quo dynamically over the last 4-5 months, therefore such reprieve from US tariffs on smartphone is not a guaranteed insulation,' Dr. Faruqui said. (For top technology news of the day, subscribe to our tech newsletter Today's Cache) 'This [tariff] is more of a negotiation tactic putting pressure to achieve leverage in overall trade negotiations which would be on completely different items,' said Prachir Singh, Senior Research Analyst at Counterpoint. Manufacturing math It is important to note that setting up electronics manufacturing and supply chain ecosystem is a complex and tedious process that involves huge capital investments. It requires multiple layers of suppliers like chip fabrication units, printed circuit board assembly lines, camera modules makers, display panels manufacturers, batteries makers, connectors, packaging firms, testing experts and logistics handlers. And setting this up takes decades to mature. Once they are in place, they cannot be dismantled and rebuilt in another country. 'Electronics supply chain and manufacturing is inherently complex and takes decades to be built. It is nearly impractical to pressure OEMs and supply chain to setup operations in USA,' Prachir added. Moving manufacturing in response to tariffs is unrealistic. For a company like Apple, which relies on precision ecosystem, moving production to a different place would mean years of planning and billions of fresh investment. In the meantime, Apple faces some pressure due to tariff imposition by the U.S. on India. 'Apple could absorb some of the extra cost, at least temporarily. However, a 35 to 40% jump in the retail price of an iPhone in the U.S. is not something either Apple or the U.S. government would want or accept as normal,' said Prachir. iPhones are already premium products and a sudden price spike could hurt sales volumes and consumer sentiment. As per Fab Economics, Global smartphone industry is not reacting well to tariff impositions resulting in demand softening in multiple world regions including US. iPhone shipments to the U.S. declined by 11% year-on-year to 13.3 million units in Q2'2025 wherein Apple reported $800 million in tariffs and forecasted $1 billion in tariff in Q3'2025. Most of the iPhones assembled in India and exported to the U.S. are currently exempted from the 50% tariffs (25% for now). There will be no immediate disruption to India's iPhone production lines or to Apple's export plans from the country. India's position Even with the uncertainty around tariffs, India remains ahead of several competing manufacturing hubs. 'Compared to Vietnam, India has a far larger domestic consumer base, which means production is not entirely dependent on exports. Compared to China, India offers geopolitical diversification for global brands seeking to reduce their reliance on one country,' explained Prachir. Factors like strong export potential with schemes like production linked incentive (PLI) and huge internal demand due to a large young population, make India a rare market. This makes India a strategic choice for electronics manufacturing in the long term. The latest tariffs move looks less like an attempt to dismantle existing manufacturing patterns and more like a negotiation tactic before an upcoming trade deal between India and the U.S. For India, this 50% tariff is more of a background noise than an immediate operational challenge. As long as major export items like iPhones remain exempt, the impact will be muted. 'India's smartphone exports to US to remain tariff free by the virtue of proposed Trump's 100% tariff imposition plan on semiconductors that plan to exempt or provide favourable rates to companies having US manufacturing operations or having committed roadmap for US manufacturing operations: both Apple and Samsung qualify for such preferential treatment which represent over 80% of India's smartphone exports to US,' said Dr. Faruqui. India itself is a huge market. If the tariffs pose a challenge, the local demand can act as buffer. India's smartphone user base continues to expand with nearly 900 million smartphone users. Affordable 5G plans and cheap AI devices areexpected to drive this growth even further. For makers, serving India alongside exports creates a more balanced portfolio. This is something smaller manufacturing hubs like Vietnam lacks. Impact on other players While Apple's position is relatively secure for now, other manufacturers could feel less confident. Samsung recently spoke about making India a key global export hub for its devices. If the tariffs environment remains unpredictable, such expansion plans might be slowed down. 'There is a need to have long term clarity as it could create doubts in the minds of other phone makers like Samsung who recently said they wanted to make a key exports hub,' said Faisal Kawoosa, Chief Analyst, Techarc. Similarly, emerging smartphone brands or component suppliers considering India as a base may hesitate until they see consistent policy signals from both the U.S. and India. In manufacturing, investment timelines often stretch over a decade or more. Companies prefer to commit where they can reasonably forecast market access and costs. Even if the tariffs impact is limited, the uncertainty it creates can shake the supply chain. With trade rules changing without warning, suppliers may face challenges in planning, sourcing raw materials and deciding the pricing for the end buyers. Electronics sector, which is running on wafer-thin margins and demand is highly price-sensitive, such unpredictable move can disrupt the market. 'Such commotion stresses supply chain which makes pricing unpredictable,' added Faisal. Semiconductor India is also taking huge strides in semiconductor manufacturing by building chip fabrication facilities that are more complex than smartphone assembling units. It involves huge capital expenditure, sanitised manufacturing environments and extremely precise logistics for raw materials like silicon wafers, rare gases, and photolithography equipment. India has made investment to attract semiconductor makers, but these projects could take years to become operational. For global players considering where to place their next fabs or advanced packaging units, policy stability is just as important as infrastructure. Frequent shifts in trade dynamics could complicate those decisions, even if they do not stop them outright. 'Due to Trump's administration semiconductor tariffs enactment there will be distinct tailwinds for players in the U.S. allied countries, including beneficiaries of the U.S. Chips Act who are pursuing manufacturing operations on the U.S. soil, while major headwinds for non-allied or adversarial countries,' said Fab Economics. Manufacturers will continue to invest in India as long as they believe that the rules of the game will not shift unpredictably. This stability must come from both domestic policy and international trade relationships. Conclusion Despite the 50% tariffs, India's smartphone and semiconductor ambitions remain largely on track, thanks to exemptions for key electronics export items, a resilient and growing domestic market and a strong competitive position against rivals in Asia. 'India, even with these flip flop on tariffs, is still in the best position against China or Vietnam as a go to destination for manufacturing ecosystem for electronics and eventually semiconductors from both export and huge domestic consumption perspective. It will eventually be a two horse race: India and China,' said Prachir. The risk does not lie on the current tariffs, but the uncertainty it represents. Stable or predictable policies, both domestically and internationally, will be critical to keep investment flowing and supply chains resilient. India has the opportunity to cement its status as one of the world's top electronics manufacturing destinations. The challenge will be to ensure that short-term trade talks do not distract from that long-term goal. 'India currently holds largest share of smartphone supply to the U.S., inching towards half of its smartphone supply, which makes any tariffs imposition on Indian origin smartphone inbound supply chains directly resulting in price expulsion impacting end users in the U.S., an unwanted outcome for Trump administration,' believes Fab Economics.
The Hindu
a minute ago
- The Hindu
Trump orders space regulations eased in win for Musk
U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order on Wednesday (August 13, 2025) easing regulations for the private space industry, including eliminating some environmental reviews, in a move likely to please his erstwhile advisor, Elon Musk. The executive order, which said it aimed to "substantially" increase the number of space launches in the United States, was described by an environmental group as "reckless." Also Read | Trump moves to shut down NASA missions that measure carbon dioxide and plant health Since returning to the White House in January, Mr. Trump has talked up several space missions, including sending humans to the Moon and Mars. The Moon and Mars missions are planned to get a ride on the massive Starship rocket of Mr. Musk's private firm SpaceX. However, Starship has had a series of setbacks, with its latest routine test ending in a fiery explosion in June. SpaceX dominates the global launch market, with its various-sized rockets blasting off more than 130 times last year — and that number looks set to rise after Mr. Trump's executive order. "It is the policy of the United States to enhance American greatness in space by enabling a competitive launch marketplace and substantially increasing commercial space launch cadence" by 2030, the order read. The change could well benefit Musk, who has long advocated for deregulation of the space industry. The world's richest man was previously a close advisor to Trump before the pair had a dramatic, public falling out in July. The executive order also called on Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy — who was at the signing and is currently NASA's administrator — "to eliminate or expedite the Department of Transportation's environmental reviews" for launches. SpaceX has been repeatedly criticized over the environmental impact at the sites where Starship, the largest and most powerful rocket in history, blasts off. The US-based nonprofit Center for Biological Diversity said Trump's new executive order "paves the way for the massive destruction of protected plants and animals." "This reckless order puts people and wildlife at risk from private companies launching giant rockets that often explode and wreak devastation on surrounding areas," the center's Jared Margolis said in a statement. Musk's dreams of colonizing Mars rely on the success of Starship, and SpaceX has been betting that its "fail fast, learn fast" ethos will eventually pay off. The Federal Aviation Administration approved an increase in annual Starship rocket launches from five to 25 in early May, stating that the increased frequency would not adversely affect the environment. cha/dl/ksb
Mint
a minute ago
- Mint
Can the US-India relationship be saved?
The U.S.-India relationship is in trouble due to President Trump's punishing tariffs and public wooing of India's arch-enemy, Pakistan. Even so, it's too early to write an obituary for one of America's most significant partnerships in Asia. If both sides can muster creativity and flexibility, they can prevent a long-term rupture. First the bad news. For the first time in more than a quarter-century, the U.S. appears to be questioning a cornerstone of its Indo-Pacific policy—that maintaining a strong relationship with India is in America's interest. This month the U.S. imposed a 25% tariff on Indian goods and added another 25% as punishment for India's purchase of discounted Russian crude oil following Vladimir Putin's 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The combined 50% tariff is among the highest imposed by the U.S. on any country. On social media, Mr. Trump has castigated India for erecting 'strenuous and obnoxious" trade barriers, for not caring 'how many people in Ukraine are being killed," and for having a 'dead" economy. Mr. Trump has also repeatedly said he brokered a cease-fire in a four-day conflict between India and Pakistan in May, a claim India denies. He has hosted Pakistan's de facto military ruler, Field Marshal Asim Munir, at the White House, applied a comparatively modest tariff rate of 19% on Pakistan, and talked up the prospect of helping develop Pakistan's oil reserves—an odd idea considering there's little evidence Pakistan has much oil. The Pakistani government has nominated Mr. Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize. India's official response has been muted. A Foreign Ministry statement justified India's purchase of Russian oil, saying imports are 'meant to ensure predictable and affordable energy costs" for Indian consumers. It pointed out that neither the European Union nor the U.S. has ended trade with Russia, and it described America's 'targeting of India" as 'unjustified and unreasonable." Pundits who follow the U.S.-India relationship agree that it is in deep trouble. Evan Feigenbaum of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace argued that 'President Donald Trump is now in the process of dismantling this painstakingly built relationship," undoing decades of bipartisan effort. 'Donald Trump was supposed to be good for India in his second presidency," Shyam Saran, a former Indian foreign secretary, wrote in the Indian Express. 'He has turned out to be nightmare." These concerns aren't overblown. The base 25% tariff on India took effect last week, and the additional 25% tariff is due to kick in on Aug. 27. The U.S. accounts for roughly one-fifth of India's goods exports. Labor-intensive sectors such as textiles, garments, jewelry and auto parts would be particularly hard-hit by a 50% tariff. It also threatens the viability of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's flagship Make in India program, which is aimed at boosting the country's manufacturing output. A strained relationship also hurts Washington. India was the 10th-largest U.S. trading partner in goods and eighth-largest in services in 2024. The greater potential downside of a weakened U.S.-India relationship is geopolitical. India boasts the largest population of any country and is on track to become the world's third-largest economy at market exchange rates by 2028. A recent report by the Center for a New American Security, a Washington think tank, listed India among six so-called global swing states, allied neither with the U.S. nor China, that 'together will exert disproportionate influence over the future of international order." The geopolitical logic that brought the U.S. and India closer in the first place means a patch-up remains possible. Rupture would imply that under Mr. Trump, the U.S. is no longer interested in taking seriously its competition with China. For India, the choice is a no-brainer. China claims large chunks of Indian territory and is Pakistan's closest military and diplomatic ally. Both the U.S. and India have left the door open to compromise. Despite his harsh words, Mr. Trump has continued to call India 'a friend" and has refrained from lashing out at Mr. Modi. Nor has the Indian prime minister attacked the U.S. or Mr. Trump. Unlike most countries, India has the means to offer Mr. Trump a deal that he can sell as a big win. India is the world's second-largest arms importer, after Ukraine, and the third-largest oil importer, after the U.S. and China. Growing domestic demand for energy gives India room to increase its liquefied natural gas imports from the U.S. According to the Confederation of Indian Industry, Indian businesses have invested $40 billion in the U.S. They could promise to invest more. Even on agriculture—a major sticking point in negotiations—India could probably eliminate tariffs on select items, such as soybeans and blueberries, without risking too much political backlash. As long as the U.S. doesn't actively arm Pakistan, India can probably live with Mr. Trump's empty praise for Islamabad. India's ties with Moscow and outreach to Kyiv could prove helpful in U.S. efforts to broker a peace deal. If India brings a sweeter offer to the table, Mr. Trump could give Mr. Modi a political win by dropping tariffs to the 15% rate that Japan and South Korea enjoy. If this happens, people will view the president as a builder of deeper U.S.-India ties rather than as the wielder of a wrecking ball.
