
Healey to call for '50-day drive' to arm Ukraine and force Putin to negotiate
Donald Trump has already threatened to impose 'very severe' tariffs on Russia if it does not agree a ceasefire by September 2, 50 days on from the US president's announcement that he would sell 'top-of-the-line' weapons to Nato that could then be given to Ukraine.
On Monday, Mr Healey will use a meeting of the Ukraine Defence Contact Group (UDCG) to back Mr Trump's proposal and pledge that the UK will 'play our full part in its success to bolster Ukraine's immediate fight'.
Calling for more support from Western allies, he is expected to say: 'Alongside this, the US has started the clock on a 50-day deadline for Putin to agree to peace or face crippling economic sanctions.
'As members of the Ukraine Defence Contact Group, we need to step up in turn with a '50-day drive' to arm Ukraine on the battlefield and force Putin to the negotiating table.'
Monday will be the fourth time Mr Healey has chaired the UDCG, and the third occasion he has done so alongside German defence minister Boris Pistorius.
The group, which brings together defence ministers and officials from Ukraine's allies, was chaired by the US until Mr Trump came to power and began rowing back on American support for Kyiv and European security.
Mr Healey's comments come as the Ministry of Defence confirmed the UK had sent £150 million worth of air defence missiles and artillery rounds to Ukraine in the past two months.
The deliveries are part of a commitment to spend £700 million on air defence and artillery ammunition for Ukraine this year, alongside other funding to provide more of the drones that have become key weapons in the war with Russia.
The UK has delivered 50,000 drones to Ukraine in the last six months, with another 20,000 coming from a coalition of nations led by Britain and Latvia.
Monday's UDCG is expected to see further commitments, with Germany and the UK agreeing to procure more air defence missiles using 170 million euros of funding from Berlin.
Shadow defence secretary James Cartlidge said it was 'right' that the Government 'continues to provide all possible support to Ukraine'.
He added: 'It is also important that we stand firm alongside the United States in reinforcing their 50-day deadline to ensure Putin is under maximum pressure to pursue peace.
'That means all of our allies playing their part, and following the PM's recent summit with Chancellor Merz, we hope that this 50-day drive will include German confirmation that it intends to provide Taurus missiles to Ukraine.'
Meanwhile, Russia continues to bombard Ukraine with drones and missiles.
Confirming a string of attacks on civilian targets in Odesa and critical infrastructure in the Sumy region on Saturday, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky also thanked international leaders 'who understand how important it is to promptly implement our agreements' aimed at boosting Ukraine's defence capabilities.
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Scotsman
25 minutes ago
- Scotsman
Readers' Letters: Bridge the attainment gap with pipe bands in schools
A reader supports calls for the formation of pipe bands in schools to boost academic performance Sign up to our daily newsletter – Regular news stories and round-ups from around Scotland direct to your inbox Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... Professor Roderick Paisley (Scotsman, 5 August) is correct in noting the remarkable benefits offered to schools and their communities by forming pipe bands – and, of course, by sourcing serious cash for their continuing development. There are big lessons to be learned from the successes of Preston Lodge High School in East Lothian over the last decade or so, whether in terms of musical or academic performance. What has been achieved through imaginative public/private partnership deserves to be known across Scotland and beyond, as Preston Lodge proves itself to be a school well worthy of the accolade 'comprehensive' Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Through the building up of discipline, ability, community and huge good fun the young people of Preston Lodge's bands have proved themselves willing learners to their teachers, giving so much to their fine school while enhancing so very clearly their own life prospects. Research found teenagers at Preston Lodge High who learned a traditional Scottish instrument outperformed their classmates in exams (Pictures: Jeff) If the SNP government is remotely serious about closing Scotland's dismal attainment gap in the short to medium term, it should pack its education boffins onto the Waverley to Prestonpans train and take a ride. This would prove to be a short journey of considerable discovery. 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Susie Macleod, Ceres, Fife Flawed tax Replacements for the much-derided council tax seem to have been touted forever. A spokesman from the Jimmy Reid Foundation, put it well: 'We've had consultations, commissions and countless commitments, but little has changed.' (Scotsman, 6 August) Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad And meanwhile, cash-strapped councils continue to struggle to provide much needed services, not least libraries and education. Taxation based on outdated property bands is clumsy and unfair. The trouble is that no system seems foolproof. My own view is that a tax system based on land valuation is the least flawed option. Land is something we all share, however infinitesimally and releases our taxes from a base in either property or income. We can only hope that after decades of consultations, commissions and countless commitments, everything will have changed, for the better. Ian Petrie, Edinburgh Forbes' exit The valedictory praise heaped on Kate Forbes could not have been greater had politicians and journalists been writing obituaries. Certainly, Ms Forbes is a good communicator and made encouraging noises about Scotland needing to nurture private business, which generates the wealth that the financially incontinent SNP regime spends at will. However, two queries need to be addressed. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad First, what did Ms Forbes actually achieve in government, beyond making soothing comments about intent? There is nothing visible to the naked eye. Second, her words that are sensible in comparison with pretty much anything any other SNP politician says were vitiated by her clear attachment to the falsehoods that underpin what passes for SNP policy. As an example, when, a couple of years ago, Ian Blackford revived the SNP lie that HM Treasury would continue to fund pensions in an independent Scotland, Ms Forbes said that she would not presume to disagree with him. Further, she may or may not have agreed with the SNP leadership's espousal of scientifically illiterate 'gender' theory, but we shall probably never know. She managed to absent herself from public discussion of that. Perhaps that is evidence of her political astuteness, but ordinary voters can scarcely find it a credible stance for an allegedly principled politician. Jill Stephenson, Edinburgh New deputy With Kate Forbes out of the picture, John Swinney will need to have someone else for the position of deputy leader ahead of the upcoming Holyrood election. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad This person needs to have a solid track record of success. Enter Jenny Gilruth, the Education Secretary? She has decreased the attainment gap between rich and poor pupils, Nicola Sturgeon's dream. In true SNP style, this was only by a rather meagre 0.1 per cent but in SNP circles this qualifies as a huge success. Don't forget all talk of Kate Forbes being leadership material was originally only based upon her short-notice speech when she replaced Derek McKay after his enforced resignation. This sums the SNP up in one word: lightweight. Gerald Edwards, Glasgow Darien II Council chiefs in Edinburgh and Glasgow have no chance of meeting net zero targets by 2030 (Scotsman, 6 August), just as the SNP at Holyrood will fail to meet the 2045 goals. It appears not a single MSP is aware that the cost to decarbonise Scottish homes increased from the Green Party estimate of £31 billion to £130bn once Humza Yousaf dispensed with the services of Patrick Harvie as a minister. That debt is about a cost of over £50,000 for every Scottish household! Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad In addition, the total cost of meeting Scottish net zero goals will be around £1 trillion, which indicates Holyrood plans to inflict a Darien Scheme Mk2 on every Scottish taxpayer. Ian Moir, Castle Douglas, Dumfries & Galloway Bin day blunder On Sunday night, the UK was under an amber alert due to Storm Floris, with authorities urging the public to avoid unnecessary travel as train services were expected to be disrupted. Yet, come Monday morning – bin collection day – households were faced with a dilemma. With strong winds forecast for the afternoon, many were unsure whether to put their bins out or risk them becoming airborne hazard. Paper waste, collected only once a month, meant most households didn't want to miss the opportunity. Unfortunately, as predicted, the stormy winds arrived and paper bins began tipping over, sending cardboard and paper flying across streets and gardens. While such incidents aren't frequent, they're not unheard of either – especially in a country with decades-old waste collection practices and unpredictable weather. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad What's truly surprising is the lack of any clear guidance or contingency plans from the responsible authorities. In an age where weather alerts are timely and accurate, surely it's time for our waste collection services to adapt and communicate better with the public during adverse conditions. Imran M Khan, Cambuslang, South Lanarkshire Sign here In the 2024 general election, I stood as an independent candidate in the new constituency of Dunfermline and Dollar. I secured 323 votes. In good faith, I campaigned for a better Britain. In the event, Labour was gifted a parliamentary majority of 165, a totally demoralised and fragmented opposition, a lame and tame Speaker and considerable public goodwill. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Despite such favourable political circumstances, Labour has squandered a unique opportunity. They promised so much, but have delivered little. Britain is considerably worse off at every level. Labour now stands accused of a massive electoral fraud. They must be brought to book. I owe it to 323 voters in Fife therefor to fully support the Parliamentary Petition to demand a general election now. Inevitably Starmer will remind his MP's that there are good reasons for them to protect him. He will lean on the gullible Speaker and he will brush off any petition of modest numbers. However if the petition reaches one million signatures, even Starmer, with little or no integrity, will have to acknowledge the inevitable. I urge every Scot to sign the petition, without hesitation. Graham Hadley, Dunfermline, Fife Write to The Scotsman


New Statesman
26 minutes ago
- New Statesman
Why left populism failed
Photo byTen years ago this summer, as Jeremy Corbyn scraped onto the ballot in the Labour Party leadership election, the hopes of the European left centred on Greece, where a radical left government was seeking to restructure the country's debt and roll back brutal austerity that had seen suicide, unemployment and home repossessions rocket. As negotiations reached an impasse, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras announced that he would put the Eurozone's offer to a referendum. The rallies for the No (or 'Oxi') campaign, which he addressed, were the biggest public gatherings in Greece since the fall of the colonels in 1974. I was in Athens to witness the campaign, and when the result came through on 5 July – an overwhelming 61 per cent rejection – I saw the city's streets erupt in celebration. Less than two weeks later, Tsipras had signed up to the bailout package, pushing it through the Greek parliament with the help of his former opponents. Riot police were sent in to break up the same crowds who had cheered him on. Tear gas flew outside the parliament building, and police rode through the fleeing crowd on motor bikes, swiping indiscriminately with batons. Unlike the years of the mass anti-austerity movement that had led to Syriza's rise, the protests now were going through the motions. Police fielded routine petrol bombs near Exarchia. Gatherings in Syntagma Square felt like an angry wake. There were no easy options for the government. Defying the demands of 'the Troika' – the European Commission, European Central Bank and the IMF – would have meant a sudden return to the Drachma. Economic and humanitarian crisis would have been the result whichever way Tsipras turned. But the abrupt betrayal of both the election and the referendum set the Greek and European left back years. Tsipras won snap elections in September 2015, but did so at the head of a different party. Syriza lost many of its activists and almost half of its large central committee. Its youth wing voted to dissolve itself. Ten years on, the basic lesson of the Greek Oxi referendum is that new left parties – however populist and radical – can and do 'Pasokify' themselves. Whether you are Zarah Sultana or Zack Polanski, it is worth paying attention to the fate of Syriza – which, despite the British left's current momentum, could well be theirs. Pasok, Greece's social democratic party, had dominated Greek politics for decades. It signed the first bailout package in 2010, implementing harsh austerity and privatisation measures. By the January 2015 elections, it had lost 90 per cent of its voters and came in seventh place. Pasokification was the fate of the French Socialist Party, the Dutch Labour Party, and to a lesser extent the German Social Democrats. If current polling holds, Starmer's Labour is next. Syriza was the original new left alternative to a failing centre-left. In 2019, having implemented the third bailout package, it lost two thirds of its voters and left office. When Tsipras stood down as leader in 2023, the party elected Stefanos Kasselakis, an American former banker and shipping investor who had once supported the centre-right New Democracy. Kasselakis was later removed and split to form his own party, leaving Syriza once again behind Pasok in the Greek parliament. Syriza's once mighty youth support has evaporated, and it is now polling in sixth place. The Oxi vote was the high watermark of the immediate revolt against austerity in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. The response of the European establishment was a fork in the road. Faced with mass opposition to austerity and the neoliberal economic consensus, it ploughed on. In backrooms, figures like the IMF's Christine Lagarde freely admitted that austerity measures would not work, and would instead deepen Greece's recession. But allowing Syriza to pursue a different path, backed by a popular mandate, would have been politically ruinous for governments which had asked their own populations to swallow cuts and wage depression. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Rather than give the radical left an opportunity, the European institutions stamped on Greece. Europe's centre-left and centre-right preferred a strategy of accommodation to a rising tide of nationalist and anti-migrant politics. Now, the new far right are in or near power in all but a couple of the EU's founding member states. Nigel Farage is odds on to be our next prime minister. In 2015, the Greek left was fighting from within the Euro and at the European periphery. It had the strongest organised left on the continent and a recent history of military dictatorship. In all these senses, it could not have been further from the post-Corbyn British left. But in the sense that it is the only example of the new post-crash left leading a government, the lessons it offers are invaluable. One of the founding promises of Syriza was that it represented a new kind of politics. When it came to power in January 2015, many of its newly elected MPs had never been near parliament before. The party was young, dynamic and above all rooted in the mass movements that had brought it to power. Even when Tsipras wrote to Angela Merkel offering concessions, many activists on the campaign trail that summer earnestly believed that their leaders would not act against the wishes of party members, let alone against the overwhelming mandate of a referendum. Some knew government ministers personally. But as Corbynism demonstrated, 'a new kind of politics' is just a slogan – even if its supporters took it as an oath. Had the Syriza government been accountable to its members and activists, it would not have been possible to capitulate to the Troika in the summer of 2015. But Syriza had taken over the institutions of the state, and those institutions had a logic of their own. As soon as it won power, the party's internal democracy barely functioned. Having had its institutions crushed by Thatcherism, the British left has many weaknesses for which it shouldn't blame itself. Its persistent lack of internal democracy is not one of them. Corbynism transformed our politics, but behind the crowds and the aesthetic edge, it was conventional. Faced with a hostile parliamentary party, the project ended up in a bunker, relying on standard party management methods. Labour members were not permitted to set policy, and no major democratic reform of the party took place. Instead of allowing Momentum to emerge as a messy, independent project, the leadership backed moves to shut down its local groups and democratic structures. The culture of the new Labour left was, above all, loyalist. Corbynism had little organisational legacy. But when the cost of living crisis hit in 2022, and the UK was gripped by its biggest wave of strikes since the 1980s, the left had an opportunity to rebuild politically. It failed to do so. One problem was that the most prominent vehicle for the left, Enough is Enough, amassed a huge email list, held some big rallies, and then, rather than build local groups and democratic structures, vanished. Where healthy left organisations are built from the bottom up, today's left has a habit of relying on celebrities and hollow online hype. We teach people to be spectators and cheerleaders. We are trained by mainstream political analysis to counterpose effectiveness and democracy, and to associate relentless professionalisation with electoral success. If you are part of an establishment for whom politics is essentially an elite sport, this is reasonable. Had Blair or Starmer allowed party members a say over party policy or candidate selection, they would not have been able to enact their strategies of choice. The radical left cannot win this way. When Tsipras signed the third bailout package, he escaped the messiness of running an anti-establishment party and his popularity initially rose. But the character of the project was irretrievable. The social conditions that swept Syriza to power and which almost put Jeremy Corbyn in Downing Street in 2017 are, if anything, even sharper now. The resurgence of the British left – perhaps as an electoral alliance between a new left party and a Zack Polanski-led Green Party – could come soon, and with a force few commentators expect. In 2027, Jean-Luc Mélenchon could win the French presidency. The first wave of the new European left was up against a failing centre; now, it must fight toe-to-toe with the far right. To succeed, it must learn not only how to win elections, but how to keep its soul intact. [See also: Inside the factions of the new left] Related


New Statesman
26 minutes ago
- New Statesman
Labour is making Britain a more European country
Illustration by Jonathan McHugh / Ikon Images It was Nigel Lawson who stated the ambition most clearly. Nine years ago, a fortnight after the UK voted to leave the EU, the late Conservative chancellor hailed an opportunity to 'finish the job that Margaret Thatcher started'. For free marketeers, Brexit was the method, the object was to change the country's soul. The description of their vision as 'Singapore-on-Thames' has always been erroneous – this imagined libertarian Disneyland has a highly dirigiste state. But the aim was not in doubt: a Britain in which taxes would be cut, spending reduced and regulations eliminated. Brexit is an increasingly friendless project – Labour MPs note with interest how rarely Reform dares mention it; the last reference on the party's X account was in March. Only 29 per cent of the country, according to a new More in Common poll, would still vote Leave, while 49 per cent favour a referendum on rejoining the EU within the next five years. Far from regarding Keir Starmer's Europe deal as a 'betrayal', most believe it is too modest. Leavers can take solace from the implacability of Labour's red lines: Starmer has suggested there will be no return to the single market, the customs union and free movement in his lifetime. But those on the right who always viewed Brexit as a means rather than an end lack such consolation. If there is anything resembling a clear pattern from Labour's first year in office it might be this: the embrace of a more European-style economy. After Brexit, France and Germany took seriously the threat of acquiring a free-market upstart on their doorstep. In practice, the UK is mirroring them. Start with taxes and spending. As Rachel Reeves likes to remind left-wing critics, she used her first Budget to impose the largest increase in the former since 1993: £41.5bn, or 1.2 per cent of GDP. By 2027-28, the UK, a country traditionally described as having 'US-style taxes', will have a tax take of 37.7 per cent, putting it within touching distance of the Netherlands and Germany (even before Reeves' planned sequel). Public spending will settle at a similarly European level of 43.9 per cent of GDP. A shift that the Conservatives could plead was temporary – owing to the emergencies of the pandemic and the energy crisis – is becoming permanent under Labour. Reeves, fittingly, replaced a portrait of Lawson in her office with one of Ellen Wilkinson, Clement Attlee's education minister and a founding member of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Next turn to workers' rights. Tony Blair once described his government's role as 'to campaign to extend flexible labour markets to the rest of Europe'. Starmer, by contrast, through the Employment Rights Bill, is importing a more continental model: a ban on 'exploitative' zero-hours contracts, an end to 'fire and rehire' and the extension of full rights to workers from day one. Cabinet ministers proudly point out that, far from being 'watered down', the bill has been strengthened in areas such as non-disclosure agreements. Then there is ownership. The UK's aversion to nationalisation under Thatcher and New Labour was yet another dividing line between it and statist Europe. Now Ed Miliband boasts of having established the 'first publicly owned energy company in over 70 years' (GB Energy), and rail franchises – some of them previously held by France and the Netherlands – are being reclaimed by the British state. This European turn could yet extend to welfare. Papers by Labour Together call for the reassertion of the contributory principle – with a far clearer link between what people pay in and what they get out, as is typical on the continent. This, the think tank suggests, would serve as an antidote to populists exploiting a broken social contract – one adviser references the fury of the Inbetweeners actor James Buckley at having to pay for a garden waste collection even as council tax continually rises. A new digital contribution card – recalling the National Insurance stamps once received by employees – is proposed alongside a system of unemployment insurance (potentially set as a share of earnings). Back in 2021, in a 12,000-word essay for the Fabian Society, Starmer championed the 'contribution society', one based on 'being part of something bigger, playing your part, valuing others'. This notion, cabinet ministers such as Liz Kendall and Shabana Mahmood believe, should be central to Labour's philosophy. There are moments when Starmer's often inchoate approach acquires more definition. During his press conference with Emmanuel Macron last month, he spoke of proving 'that social democracy has the answers' in contrast to the 'performative populism' of Nigel Farage. Here was a riposte to those who accuse him of engaging in no act more complex than chasing Reform's tail. But what direction is Starmer heading in? The UK is charting a different course yet Labour has left voters wondering whether this is the product of accident or design. In his first speech as Prime Minister, Starmer vowed to lead a government 'unburdened by doctrine' – an approach that disillusioned MPs contend has left his administration rudderless. 'There's too many concepts floating around at too high a level, which is what happens when intellectual leadership is lacking,' says one. The task facing Labour this autumn is to provide it. Rather than finishing the job that Thatcher started, Starmer has chosen to begin reversing it. He will soon have to tell voters why. [See also: The Online Safety Act humiliates us all] Related