logo
Narendra Modi Govt Works Out Emergency Action Plan To Assist Most-Hit Exporters

Narendra Modi Govt Works Out Emergency Action Plan To Assist Most-Hit Exporters

Arabian Post3 days ago
By Ashok Nilakantan Ayer
When the U.S. President Donald Trump slapped heavy tariffs on a range of Indian goods this month, Prime Minister Narendra Modi responded almost immediately with quiet contingency planning: supply a targeted, limited financial backstop to exporters and small manufacturers whose cash flows are being squeezed by sudden loss of competitiveness in the U.S. market.
According to officials briefed on the plan, the Indian finance ministry has proposed a credit-guarantee package for banks that extend fresh liquidity to stressed exporters and small firms whose loans are overdue but not yet classified as non-performing assets — the so-called Special Mention Account (SMA) cohort.
The headline mechanics are simple: the government would guarantee roughly 10–15% of the value of new or restructured short-term bank exposure to these firms (accounts overdue up to 90 days), and has discussed an initial allocation in the order of ₹40 billion to support the scheme.
Why SMA accounts? Banks already flag accounts as SMA-0, SMA-1 or SMA-2 when repayments are overdue but before the 90-day mark that typically triggers an NPA classification. By targeting SMA loans, the government aims to help borrowers who are stressed by a shock external to their business model — a sudden tariff shock in a major export market — and to prevent a cascade of downgrades that could choke working capital across entire clusters, especially among small and medium exporters.
The Reserve Bank of India's SMA framework and reporting norms provide the regulatory scaffolding for such targeted relief.
The assistance is clearly aimed at smaller, export-dependent enterprises and the banks that finance them. Officials described the focus as firms with turnover below a threshold (public reports say the scheme would concentrate on smaller firms and MSME exporters), and on sectors with outsized exposure to the U.S. market: textiles and garments, jewellery, a growing list of premium consumer export categories (including some spirits makers), and certain labour-intensive manufacturer segments.
Several industry CEOs have publicly warned of catastrophic margin compression where U.S. duties jump to historic highs.
Pharmaceutical exports — a major earner for India — appear to have been spared the worst of current tariff action so far, according to bankers and officials, though the threat of supply-chain disruptions keeps lenders cautious. The tenor of policymaking in New Delhi suggests the relief is designed to be surgical rather than universal: targeted credit guarantees to keep working capital flowing to exporters most exposed to the tariff wave, not blanket subsidies.
To get a sense of scale, consider the market: India's merchandise exports to the United States were in the region of tens of billions of dollars annually — roughly $79.4 billion in 2024 by United Nations/COMTRADE and trade-data aggregates — making the U.S. one of India's largest single-country markets.
Reporting by officials suggests that around 55% of India's goods exported to the U.S. may now face higher duties under the recent measures, meaning a large share of the bilateral goods flow is potentially affected. That combination — big baseline volumes and a high share of goods hit — is why even modest working-capital shortfalls could ripple through supply chains.
The government's talk of a ₹40-billion initial envelope sounds substantial in rupee terms but is modest compared with the aggregate value of exports at stake. To illustrate: if $79.44 billion is the benchmark annual exports to the U.S., and 55% of that ($43.692 billion) is deemed subject to higher tariffs, even a conservative assumption that firms need working capital equivalent to 10% of the affected annual exports implies short-term financing demand of roughly $4.37 billion.
If the government guarantees 10%–15% of that additional working capital, the contingent liability created by guarantees would be on the order of several hundred million dollars (roughly ₹38–40 billion for the 10% example) — in the same ballpark as the reported ₹40-billion allocation. In short: the proposed envelope appears sized to back a relatively small slice of the immediate working-capital needs of the most exposed firms rather than to fully underwrite the entire hit.
Officials and market participants describe the relief as temporary and tactical: a bridge to help cash-flow strained exporters until market access normalises or companies reorient supply chains and pricing. That said, 'temporary' in trade politics can stretch — tariff disputes, retaliation and trade negotiations often unfold over months or years.
if tariffs persist, New Delhi could either extend the scheme, broaden guarantees, or shift toward more structural measures such as production subsidies, accelerated export-credit support, or diplomatic countermeasures. The intention now, though, is unmistakable: bleed control first, policy redesign later.
Credit guarantees are attractive for the Modi government because they shift much of the immediate cash cost to contingent liabilities rather than outright transfers. The fiscal impact accrues only if guaranteed loans default and the state must pay the bank. That means the official ₹40-billion outlay is best read as a provisioning of headroom for contingent liabilities, not an upfront cash cost equal to that amount.
If losses remain limited because the shock is temporary and many exporters recover or find alternate markets, the actual fiscal hit could be small. But if tariffs stay high and defaults rise, contingent guarantees can convert into real spending, and public finances would feel the strain. For banks, partial state guarantees reduce immediate provisioning pressures and allow incremental lending — but they do not remove credit-risk discipline entirely.
The tariff measures do not hit every sector equally. Labour-intensive apparel and garment exporters — a big employer and consistent U.S. supplier — face immediate demand re-routing as importers seek tariff-favoured origins. Jewellery and certain consumer luxury categories (including single-malt exporters) have already reported margin erosion.
Auto parts and certain intermediate goods that feed U.S. manufacturers could lose orders or see buyers shift sourcing. By contrast, many pharmaceutical finished-dose exports and specialised IT services (a services export, which faces a different trade regime) remain less affected at present. The uneven sectoral hit explains why the government wants a selective, SME-focused guarantee rather than broad industrial subsidies.
Monitor three things: First, the fine print of the guarantee scheme (eligibility thresholds, whether the guarantees are capped by firm turnover, the tenor covered and whether they apply to existing exposures or only new lending). Second, how banks implement sectoral risk reviews — if lenders start to reprioritise credit away from U.S.-exposed sectors beyond the government's umbrella, pressure will mount on real activity. Third, whether tariffs ease after negotiations or escalate, which would determine whether New Delhi's support is a bridge or a permanent cost.
For now, the Indian approach mixes fiscal prudence with targeted risk-sharing: a modestly sized guarantee pot intended to keep factories humming and ports clearing while policymakers buy time to negotiate, diversify export markets and help firms adjust their product mix and pricing. Whether it will be enough depends on how long Washington's tariffs remain in place — and how quickly Indian exporters and their bankers can pivot.
Pharmaceuticals remain a stronghold: with exports of about $10.9 billion in 2024, this sector is currently tariff-free, providing stable earnings. Jewellery and precious stones (roughly $10.2 billion) face immediate pressure, especially with tariffs hitting up to 50%, threatening jobs and competitiveness in hubs like Surat and SEEPZ. Textiles and ready-made garments, modest at around $1.8 billion, are still highly vulnerable; tariffs could decimate margins — industry leaders warn of serious disruptions in places like Ludhiana.
Telecom instruments and petroleum products provide moderate value but variable exposure; telecom isn't in the immediate line of fire, while petroleum products could face indirect or classification-based vulnerability. Electronics (e.g., smartphones) are a rising export — notably exempt under the new tariff rules — while auto components are partially at risk: passenger-vehicle parts at 25%, commercial-vehicle parts at 50%. (IPA Service)
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Trump's attack on Goldman could prompt watering down of Wall Street's independent analysis
Trump's attack on Goldman could prompt watering down of Wall Street's independent analysis

Zawya

time2 hours ago

  • Zawya

Trump's attack on Goldman could prompt watering down of Wall Street's independent analysis

U.S. President Donald Trump's criticism of Goldman Sachs' research on tariff risks could prompt some analysts to water down their research, investors and academics said, an outcome that could leave investors with less reliable information. The reams of research that banks such as Goldman produce are used by institutional investors, such as hedge funds and asset managers, in deciding how to allocate capital. Trump's comments -- in which he lambasted Goldman, its economics team and CEO David Solomon and accused them of making "a bad prediction" -- have triggered a debate on Wall Street about the possible fallout, according to interviews with banking industry sources and investors. At one Wall Street bank, Trump's comments spurred informal conversations among staff, a source familiar with the matter said. The source said they also discussed how to incorporate government data in the wake of Trump's decision to fire the head of BLS, claiming -- without evidence -- that its data had been politicized. Still, the bank was not considering changing the way research operates. "This is going to come down to a person's ability to withstand a barrage of criticism from the Oval Office, and the extent to which these banks provide support for their chief economists," said Dave Rosenberg of Rosenberg Research, who has worked in the economics departments at several banks. "If we notice that research is being watered down ... then we'll know that this has had an effect." Jack Ablin, chief investment strategist at Cresset Capital, said if banks do start self-censoring, smaller investors who do not have the resources to do their own analysis are likely to suffer most. Trump's criticism is his latest attack on corporate America and other institutions, and is a break from historical norms, where presidents have typically avoided calling out private companies and executives for things they do not like. Some companies that have considered passing on tariff costs to customers have faced public criticism, and Trump, who came to politics after running businesses, has intervened directly in private business decisions by making a deal with Nvidia to give a portion of its revenues from sales to China of AI chips to the government. Trump 'certainly is taking a number of steps that diverge from the traditional view of the respective roles of the government and private industry,' said Henry Hu, a securities law professor at the University of Texas. In a social media post earlier this week, Trump said foreign companies and governments were mostly absorbing the cost of his tariffs, counter to Goldman's research. "Given that sell-side Wall Street analyst predictions have been about as accurate as random guessing, small investors will do just fine with the president exercising his First Amendment right about flawed Wall Street research," a White House official told Reuters. On Wednesday, Goldman's U.S. head economist David Mericle defended its research on CNBC, vowing to "keep doing" what the bank considers informative research. Goldman declined requests for further comment. Other major banks, including Wells Fargo, JPMorgan, Morgan Stanley, Deutsche Bank, Bank of America and Citigroup, declined to comment. REPUTATIONAL RISKS There has already been evidence of self-censorship. A senior JPMorgan Asset Management investment strategist, Michael Cembalest, earlier this year said during a webinar that he refrained from voicing some of his thoughts on U.S. tariffs publicly. Shortly after Cembalest's comments, Jamie Dimon, JPMorgan's CEO, said that he expects analysts to speak their minds. Both Cembalest and the bank declined to comment for this story. Hu said there is a risk involved in even appearing to give way to political pressure. 'Goldman's reputational capital is at stake here,' he said. 'If their views on the economy become biased, and they are shown to be wrong, why would anyone choose Goldman to advise them on anything?' Mike Mayo, banking analyst at Wells Fargo, said independent research is critical for investment bank's reputation. "Investment banks live and die by their reputation and independence. That transcends all other considerations." Wall Street research has long been tightly overseen, one source said, with supervisory analysts reviewing research reports to ensure that language is not inflammatory, emotive or partisan and that reports are objective and cite sources. That person said that if analysts feel unable to speak openly then investors will pay more or take greater risk. Liquidity will suffer and there will be less foreign participation in U.S. markets, the person said. It was large losses by smaller investors that triggered the first major probe of Wall Street research in the aftermath of the dot com stock bubble of the late 1990s. Eliot Spitzer, then New York Attorney General, found that Wall Street analysts had swapped their honest opinions for unwarranted "buy" ratings on companies to help their banks win underwriting and advisory business. The result: a $1.5 billion global settlement payout by Wall Street and lifetime bans for some analysts. It remains to be seen whether the current kerfuffle will have an outsized impact on Wall Street or if it is a storm in a teacup, said Steve Sosnick, market strategist at IBKR. "It does raise a lot of questions," he added.

India's Modi announces new defence system 'Sudarshan Chakra', tax cuts on Independence Day
India's Modi announces new defence system 'Sudarshan Chakra', tax cuts on Independence Day

Khaleej Times

time3 hours ago

  • Khaleej Times

India's Modi announces new defence system 'Sudarshan Chakra', tax cuts on Independence Day

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi urged the country on Friday to move towards more self-reliance, manufacture everything from fertilisers to jet engines and EV batteries, and vowed to protect farmers in the face of a trade conflict with Washington. With tariffs imposed on Indian exports by US President Donald Trump expected to hurt growth in the world's fastest growing major economy, Modi announced lower goods and services taxes (GST) from October, a move that could help boost consumption. He also announced India would set up a new defence system called 'Sudarshan Chakra'. He did not elaborate but a government statement said the system is aimed at neutralising enemy infiltrations and enhancing India's offensive capabilities. Indian defence and policy circles have informally referred to the Russian S-400 air defence system, which played a key role during the fighting with Pakistan, as Sudarshan Chakra, after a weapon referred to in Hindu texts. Modi was addressing the nation on the occasion of its Independence Day at a time New Delhi has been struggling with Trump's tariffs and the collapse of trade talks, largely due to differences over imports of American farm and dairy products. "Farmers, fishermen, cattle rearers are our top priorities," Modi said in his customary annual address from the ramparts of the Red Fort in New Delhi. "Modi will stand like a wall against any policy that threatens their interests. India will never compromise when it comes to protecting the interests of our farmers," he said. Modi did not mention the tariffs or the US in his speech that lasted nearly two hours. Last week, Trump imposed an additional 25 per cent tariff on Indian goods, citing New Delhi's continued imports of Russian oil in a move that sharply escalated tensions between the two nations. The new import tax will raise duties on some Indian exports to as high as 50 per cent, among the highest levied on any US trading partner. Modi has never spoken about the tariffs directly, only alluding to them in a speech last week, where he swore to protect the interests of farmers, even if it came at a personal price. Farmers are a key political constituency in India and they violently protested against Modi's last big push to reform the sector, forcing him to repeal three farm laws in 2021 in what was a rare defeat for him. Tax cuts to boost consumption Although local manufacturing and self-reliance have been Modi's key focus areas for years now, the push is seen to have gained urgency amid ongoing global trade tensions and supply chain disruptions. "The need of the hour is to take a resolve for building a strong India ... I want our traders, shopkeepers to display boards for 'Swadeshi' products," Modi said, using the Hindi word for made in India goods. He said made-in-India semiconductor chips would hit the market by the end of this year and that India was pushing for self-reliance in producing critical minerals with exploration underway at more than 1,200 locations. Trump's tariffs threaten to disrupt India's access to its largest export market, where shipments totalled nearly $87 billion in 2024, hitting sectors like textiles, footwear, shrimp, gems and jewellery. In retaliation, some supporters of Modi have sought to stoke anti-American sentiment and called for a boycott of US companies such as McDonald's, Coca-Cola, Amazon and Apple. Trade talks between New Delhi and Washington collapsed after five rounds of negotiations over disagreement on opening India's vast farm and dairy sectors and stopping Russian oil purchases. Modi's promise to cut GST by October's Diwali festival, which encompasses one of India's biggest shopping seasons, follows previous commitments to overhaul it by reducing the number of rate brackets under the 2017 tax regime. A group of ministers have been preparing a report that will consider merging tax slabs and lowering rates on some products. In February, India cut personal income tax for some individuals to boost spending. Earlier this month, the central bank kept interest rates steady, following a 100 basis point cut this year so far. The government has proposed to the ministers' panel that it recommend reducing taxes on mass use items as well as on goods used by women, students and farmers to boost consumption and enhance affordability, the finance ministry said in an X post. The government will move towards making GST a simple tax with two rate slabs, one standard and another merit, it said. Special rates will be applicable only for a few select items.

Trump hints at more tariffs, this time on semiconductors and chips
Trump hints at more tariffs, this time on semiconductors and chips

Al Etihad

time3 hours ago

  • Al Etihad

Trump hints at more tariffs, this time on semiconductors and chips

15 Aug 2025 19:25 Washington (dpa) US President Donald Trump has said he will be setting new tariffs on steel, semiconductors and computer chips from next week, though he declined to say what rate would apply. Speaking on a flight to Alaska, where he is set to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin later on Friday, Trump said he would keep the new levies "lower at the beginning" to give companies "a chance to come in and build" in the United States."And if they don't build here, they have to pay a very high tariff, which doesn't work. So they'll come and build," he explained. It comes after Trump last week announced 100% tariffs on Intel chips exported to the US, though he failed to say from when they would he delivers on Friday's pledge to implement levies on chip imports from major suppliers, it is likely to increase prices for US consumers across the board, as the vast majority of chips used in electronic devices are produced in Asia. Trump, whose trade policies have repeatedly triggered market turmoil around the globe since he began imposing sweeping tariffs on a host of trading partners shortly after taking office, had already doubled tariffs on steel and aluminium imports to 50%.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store