
US hopes robo-ships can outwit China's superior naval numbers
This month, Naval News reported that Serco, under the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency's (DARPA) No Manning Required Ship (NOMARS) program, launched the USX-1 Defiant, a 180-foot-long, 240-ton USV, at Nichols Brothers Boat Builders.
The unmanned vessel, coined by some media as a 'ghost' warship, is designed from inception to exclude any crewed features, epitomizing a revolutionary naval architecture focused on cost efficiency, reliability and expanded payload capabilities for long-duration missions.
Unlike retrofitted alternatives like Nomad and Ranger, Defiant omits human-oriented systems. This innovation is critical amid growing demands for cost-effective USVs capable of countering strategic threats, including a potential US conflict with China in the Taiwan Strait or South China Sea.
The vessel features DARPA's advanced hydrodynamic and stealth technologies. It aims to ensure 90% operational reliability over a year, and its autonomous refueling capabilities have been demonstrated in prior tests.
This project aligns with US naval modernization efforts to bolster unmanned operations, particularly in Indo-Pacific theaters. Ryan Maatta, Serco's Marine Engineer Manager, highlighted Defiant's scalability and affordability, addressing historical cost barriers in unmanned systems.
USVs present a paradigm shift in naval warfare, offering significant tactical advantages and notable vulnerabilities.
Their cost-effectiveness enables cash-strapped navies to deploy swarms of autonomous attack boats, as evidenced by Ukraine's successful use of USVs against Russian warships. These drones, with low profiles and AI-driven evasive maneuvers, can evade detection and overwhelm advanced naval defenses.
However, USVs are not a naval warfare panacea. The maritime environment accelerates mechanical degradation while increasing autonomy, making them prime cyber targets.
Their reliance on external communication links exposes them to jamming and hacking, particularly in a GPS-denied or electronic warfare-heavy environment.
Additionally, they lack the sustained endurance, firepower and adaptability of crewed warships, which will remain essential for prolonged naval engagements for the foreseeable future.
In a March 2023 Center for International Maritime Security (CIMSEC) article, Kyle Cregge highlights the potential role of USVs in future naval operations.
Cregge says USVs embody the 'Every Ship a Surface Action Group (SAG)' model, augmenting manned combatants with scalable missile firepower and distributed lethality.
He mentions that USVs used as force multipliers enhance fleet survivability by complicating adversary targeting while offering economical Vertical Launch System (VLS) expansion when the US Navy may face a firepower gap with China.
He notes that integrated with manned-unmanned teams (MUM-T), these systems ensure flexible operational responses and rapid adaptability, embodying a cost-effective, strategically robust solution for deterring aggression and preserving maritime dominance in increasingly contested environments like the Taiwan Strait.
Paul Lushenko mentions in a July 2024 Proceedings article that the US Navy's framework for unmanned systems at sea emphasizes integration across domains to enhance distributed maritime operations (DMO) and information warfare.
Lushenko says that key methods such as picket, distribution and mass offer advantages from early warning and situational awareness to overwhelming adversaries with coordinated strikes. He also adds that MUM-T, leveraging AI, optimizes decision-making and shortens sensor-to-shooter timelines.
Highlighting the critical importance of ship numbers in naval operations, Sam Tangredi mentions in a January 2023 Proceedings article that historical evidence shows fleet size often trumps technological superiority in naval warfare, as demonstrated by 28 analyzed conflicts from ancient times to the Cold War.
Tangredi points out that in 25 cases the larger fleet prevailed, with technological advantages proving short-lived and outweighed by mass. He says superior numbers facilitate better scouting, operational flexibility and striking capacity, as seen during the Napoleonic and World War II eras.
He mentions that US Navy expansions, like the 600-ship Cold War strategy, embraced these principles. Conversely, Tangredi mentions that a smaller, technologically advanced force rarely overcame its numerical disadvantage.
According to the US Department of Defense's (DOD) 2024 China Military Power report, China's People's Liberation Army-Navy (PLAN) is the world's largest navy with 370 ships, including 140 major naval combatants.
Underpinning China's numerical advantage, an August 2024 US Congressional Research Service (CRS) report mentions that China has 230 times the US shipbuilding capacity, emphasizing that the gap is a significant liability for the US in competing with China.
Further, in a February 2025 Perry World House article, Bradley Martin mentions that the US Navy faces a complex web of challenges ranging from force design, persistent production delays, chronic cost overruns and dwindling shipbuilding capacity.
Martin says that despite ambitious targets like the 373-ship fleet supported by 150 unmanned vessels under the Force Design 2045 plan, execution often falters due to misaligned priorities and aging infrastructure.
He points out that the US Navy struggles with manpower shortages, service-life extensions of older combatants and a reliance on legacy technology.
He adds that the US Navy's short-term crisis responses often exacerbate long-term readiness gaps, creating a vicious cycle of deferred maintenance and stretched resources.
USNI News recently reported that the Trump administration has unveiled an ambitious plan to overhaul the US shipbuilding industry to counter China's dominance in global maritime production.
Central to the initiative is creating a new maritime industrial base office within the National Security Council. This office will develop a comprehensive maritime action plan within six months.
The plan includes imposing tariffs on imports arriving on Chinese-made ships, establishing a Maritime Security Trust Fund and offering tax incentives to revitalize domestic shipbuilding, Reuters reported citing a White House document.
The Trump administration also seeks to address procurement inefficiencies and increase wages for nuclear shipyard workers, signaling a strategic push to bolster national security and economic resilience.
However, Brian Clark and Michael Roberts mention in a December 2024 Hudson Institute report that it is not realistic for the US to match China hull-for-hull, and it is unfeasible for the US to offset China's huge cost advantages while making US shipyards internationally competitive.
Clark and Roberts also argue that while getting ahead of the technology curve (i.e., nuclear and hydrogen propulsion, modular construction) is important, attempting to close the gap by massively investing in a particular set of technologies underestimates China's capacity for technological innovation and cost-cutting.
As the US Navy bets on unmanned ships to bridge its numbers gap with China, the real battle may not be at sea—but in shipyards, supply chains and technological dominance, areas where China currently holds decisive advantages.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


AllAfrica
02-08-2025
- AllAfrica
Trump's Asia policy should prioritize security over revenue
Although People's Republic of China (PRC) officials say they do not seek hegemony, US regional pre-eminence is standing in the way of achieving their objectives, which include satisfying Beijing's vast irredentist claims, holding veto power over the foreign policies of neighboring countries and keeping out unwanted foreign military influence. China enjoys important advantages in this competition with the US for regional leadership: geography, ability to focus its forces close to home and superior manufacturing capability. China is also narrowing the technological gap. Washington recently tried to slow China's technological progress by restricting sales of US semiconductors and limiting visas for Chinese students, but soon relented because of American dependence on rare earth elements, of which China controls 90% of global production. Despite questions about possible US retrenchment, senior Trump administration officials say they are committed to maintaining US leadership in the Asia-Pacific region. One of their primary stated US foreign policy goals is to rally friendly governments to block Chinese expansionism. Perhaps the clearest advantage the US enjoys in pursuit of that goal is a robust network of allies and security partners. As the competition with China reaches a critical stage, America needs the full strategic value of these partnerships—to help prevent Chinese domination of vital supply chains, to unitedly oppose Chinese coercion and aggression against individual countries, to offer bases for US forces, to be prepared to provide additional combat capability if needed and even to build ships for the US Navy. The administration's efforts to raise revenue and cut government expenditures, however, are at odds with the geostrategic task of facing up to the China challenge. After half a year in office, the new US government still lacks a coherent Asia strategy. The most prominent issue here is the tariffs. Trying to maximize revenue from security partners both antagonizes them and makes it harder for them to fulfill US demands that they increase their defense spending. Washington announced a deal in July that would set Japan's tariff to 15%, which while lower than a previously threatened 35% rate, is still 10 times what the average US tariff on Japanese imports was in 2024. Simultaneously, the US has demanded that Japan further raise its defense spending target from an already difficult 2% to 3.5%, then 5%. Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba spoke of Japan becoming 'less dependent on America' for its security. South Korean tariffs on US imports already dropped to 1% under the 2012 US-Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS). Then the first Trump administration renegotiated KORUS in 2019, resulting in a deal that Trump called 'fantastic' and 'a model for fair trade.' Nevertheless, on July 7, Trump imposed a 25% tariff on South Korea imports. A statement from Korea's ruling Democratic Party said, 'Trump is betraying the trust of allies.' Later, Washington lowered the figure to 15%, but South Korean trade negotiator Yeo Han-koo said, 'We cannot be relieved, because we do not know when we will face pressure from tariffs or non-tariff measures again.' Such US pressure could give Seoul's new liberal government additional reason to seek a more equidistant position between the US and China. Australia has a trade deficit with the US, but still drew a 10% tariff, plus higher rates for steel and aluminum products and auto parts. Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said the tariffs 'have no basis in logic' and are 'not the act of a friend.' Although Taiwan is not a US ally, a similar incoherence is in play. Taiwan got a 20% tariff despite committing $100 billion to build factories for its economic crown jewel, advanced semiconductors, in the US. Although the US has strong political and strategic interests in helping Taiwan avoid forcible annexation by the PRC, Trump has spoken far more about the US-Taiwan relationship as an economic issue than a strategic issue, suggesting he thinks Taiwan has no value to the US beyond its ability to pay for US military protection. There are other examples of US policy being economically penny-wise and strategically pound-foolish, including reducing US diplomatic impact by large staff cuts at the Department of State and cutting funding for organizations such as USAID, which promotes international goodwill toward the US, and Radio Free Asia, which counters the anti-American narratives of the Authoritarian Bloc. Cuts to developmental aid and capacity-building programs are especially damaging in a region such as the Pacific Islands, where Beijing is attempting to increase its influence at the expense of traditional benefactors the US, Australia and New Zealand. In that case, an amount of aid that is relatively modest in monetary terms goes a long way because the small populations in the island states have sovereignty over huge and strategically important expanses of ocean. According to a recent report, US Under Secretary of Defense Elbridge Colby asked British defense officials if they could recall a UK aircraft carrier that was en route to a patrol in Asian waters. This bizarre episode seems to represent another instance of elevating economic concerns to the point of strategic counterproductivity. The Trump government wants NATO countries to spend 5% of their GDP on defense. This has led US officials to discourage European allies from maintaining a military presence in Asia that could help deter China, based on the logic that the Europeans should concentrate on their own neighborhood to free up American resources for Asia. But if the primary US objective is countering China, Washington should be welcoming rather than rebuffing such direct European assistance. Already outnumbered by the Chinese Navy, America is in no position to turn away additional friendly platforms. Showing the flags of European countries in maritime Asia complicates Chinese planning for possible aggressive actions and signals that the international costs to Beijing of such actions would be high. Moreover, sending ships to visit Asian waters has minimal negative impact on Europe's capacity to defeat a Russian invasion, which would primarily require ground and air forces. Trump government officials have said they will stop helping China wrest global technological leadership from the US, a goal clearly in line with US strategic and security interests. There is a danger, however, that this goal will conflict with Trump's pursuit of a bilateral trade agreement with China. During the first Trump Administration, US sanctions came close to killing Chinese telecommunications company ZTE, which would have reduced the danger of China stealing sensitive data from US trade and security partners. Trump, however, decided to let ZTE off the hook, apparently to grease US-China trade talks. In May 2025, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced that out of national security concerns, the US would revoke the visas of Chinese students who have ties to the Chinese Communist Party or study in sensitive technological fields. In June, however, Trump said in a social media post that 'our deal with China is done,' and 'we will provide to China what was agreed to, including Chinese students using our colleges and universities.' In the recent past, the implied American pitch to friendly governments was 'help us support a global order that we overpay for and that benefits you.' Now it's 'you must pay more, and our relationship must clearly benefit us.' It was not always like this. After World War II, the US offered its former bitter enemy Japan generous economic assistance, including $25 billion (in today's dollars) in grants and loans from 1945 to 1952. Washington opened the US market to Japanese exports, becoming Japan's largest trade partner. The Americans also facilitated Japan's entry into international financial institutions and helped Japan re-integrate into the Asian regional economy. The assistance was significant enough that Tokyo felt obligated to offer at least symbolic concessions when US President George H. W. Bush visited in 1992 to ask for a redress of the US trade deficit with Japan (a request punctuated by Bush becoming sick during dinner and vomiting on Japanese Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa). Under the cloud of a compelling geostrategic threat (in that case the Cold War), Washington viewed bilateral trade and investment not as decontextualized transactionalism, but as part of a larger strategic vision. Such an approach is necessary again. In setting tariffs, the US government should consider both the strategic value of its relationships with friendly governments and efforts these countries are making to increase their potential contributions to a counter-China coalition. These considerations should at least partially, if not fully, offset the assessment that a security partner is underpaying for its access to US markets. Washington should go back to encouraging Western European governments to send military vessels and aircraft to visit the region to demonstrate support for the peaceful settlement of disputes. The non-military tools that increase US influence in the Asia-Pacific tend to be highly cost-effective. Yanking funding from them is not wise policy. In trade, investment and research cooperation with China, the US government should carefully identify critically important areas in which to implement de-risking and should stick to the policy even if the Chinese complain it is preventing a trade agreement. It is far from certain that the geostrategic component of US policy toward the Asia-Pacific—specifically, winning the competition with China—can succeed without subordinating revenue generation to the goals of helping security partners maximize their strategic value to the US. Denny Roy is senior fellow at the East-West Center in Honolulu.


AllAfrica
01-08-2025
- AllAfrica
US going all in on sea drones to deter Taiwan war
The US is betting on swarming unmanned surface vessels (USVs) to harass China and delay a Taiwan or South China Sea conflict, wagering that drones and allied self‑defense can deter Beijing without triggering a war. By all accounts, the US Navy is moving fast in that direction. Breaking Defense reported in July 2025 that the service has issued a formal call for industry proposals to rapidly prototype modular USVs, following an industry day earlier this summer. Led by the US Navy's unmanned maritime systems office, the solicitation seeks designs that can carry containerized payloads, integrate with existing naval assets and be fielded within 18 months of contract award. It identifies three vessel concepts, prioritizing one capable of carrying two 40‑foot containers—each weighing 36.3 metric tons and drawing 75 kilowatts—over 2,500 nautical miles at 25 knots in NATO Sea State 4. The US Navy emphasizes affordability and scalability, favoring commercial‑standard, non‑exquisite designs to enable construction across multiple shipyards. Though no award timeline has been specified, the service plans to use Other Transaction Authorities (OTAs) to accelerate the contracting process. Rear Admiral William Daly has highlighted the need for a simplified, mass‑producible USV, moving away from earlier bespoke Medium and Large USV programs. The shift underscores the US Navy's urgency to operationalize distributed lethality and containerized modular warfare on affordable, scalable platforms. US planners see USVs as tools to delay or disrupt Chinese operations in a Taiwan contingency. Admiral Samuel Paparo told The Washington Post in June 2024 that the US has adopted a 'hellscape' US strategy that aims to saturate the Taiwan Strait with thousands of unmanned systems—submarines, surface vessels, and aerial drones— the moment China's invasion fleet mobilizes. Paparo said this mass deployment is designed to harass and paralyze People's Liberation Army (PLA) forces for about a month, creating a window for US, Taiwanese and allied forces to mobilize a full defense and deny Beijing a rapid 'fait accompli.' The strategy extends to the Philippine theater. USNI News reported in June 2025 that the US is upgrading Naval Detachment Oyster Bay on the Philippine island of Palawan to support USVs, enhancing Manila's South China Sea capabilities. A US‑funded facility there will maintain Devil Ray T‑38 USVs already transferred to the Philippine Navy, alongside conventional boats, enabling rapid deployment to Philippine outposts near disputed waters. The US Department of Defense (DoD) anticipates issuing construction contracts within two months, reinforcing bilateral maritime cooperation. Yet this unmanned push faces technical and operational constraints. Steven Wills wrote in April 2025 for Breaking Defense that USVs have short range, power limitations, and high vulnerability in contested environments. He noted that small platforms require frequent servicing, struggle to endure transoceanic deployments and impose logistical strain on the fleet. He also warned that AI‑driven USV control systems are vulnerable under electronic attack, with long‑range operations susceptible to delay or interception. Former NATO Supreme Allied Commander Admiral James Stavridis echoed those concerns in an October 2024 Washington Post article. While acknowledging USVs' disruptive potential, he cautioned against prematurely sidelining conventional warships, which provide endurance, force projection and layered defenses that drones cannot match. Stavridis advocates a high‑low mix: cost‑effective swarms of USVs augmenting—but not replacing—large, manned platforms. He emphasized that in contested environments, human decision‑making and survivability remain essential, demanding a balanced modernization strategy. Geography and strategy would compound these limits in a Taiwan or South China Sea war. Unlike Ukraine, Taiwan and the Philippines cannot rely on overland resupply. China can blockade Taiwan and potentially cut off Philippine access to US reinforcements from Guam using carrier battlegroups in the Philippine Sea. A firm US combat commitment to Taiwan risks eroding the strategic ambiguity that has helped maintain peace in the Taiwan Strait, while unambiguous support for Philippine claims in the South China Sea risks pulling Washington into a wider confrontation over features of marginal strategic value to US interests. This situation has pushed Washington toward ally self‑defense models, in which USVs feature as part of a broader denial strategy. Charles Glaser proposed in an April 2025 Washington Quarterly article a US‑supported 'self‑defense' model for Taiwan: arms sales, training and financing without US combat intervention. He urged Taipei to embrace a porcupine strategy, relying on mobile, survivable systems—coastal defense missiles, naval mines, drones and fast attack craft—to raise the cost of a Chinese invasion. According to Glaser, US support would include Foreign Military Financing (FMF), US$1 billion in drawdown authority and Harpoon and Stinger missile transfers, complementing Taiwan's domestic Hsiung Feng missile production. A parallel logic applies to the Philippines. Sarang Shidore, in a February 2025 Quincy Institute report, argued for a restrained, US‑supported self‑defense posture, with aid, intelligence and training rather than direct combat. He noted that the US has pledged $500 million to modernize the Philippine Navy and Coast Guard, expanded Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) sites, increased joint exercises and deployed surveillance and mid‑range missile capabilities—building deterrence without co‑production or combat entanglement. Reflecting an indigenous turn, the Philippine Daily Inquirer reported in July 2025 that Philippine engineers have proposed a USV concept for maritime interdiction or suicide strikes against enemy warships. In sum, Washington's unmanned gamble is to field swarms of USVs to buy time, blunt China's advance and reinforce allies under a self‑defense framework—all while avoiding a direct slide into full‑scale war. But as Wills and Stavridis make clear, USVs are still more complements than war‑winners. They are fragile in rough seas, maintenance‑intensive and dependent on manned ships and logistics networks. The US Navy's shift to commercial standards, mass production and OTAs reflects urgency over perfection: getting drones in the water within 18 months to enable Paparo's 'hellscape' could buy the month of breathing room that US strategy requires. Whether that month is enough will depend on how fast Taiwan and the Philippines can convert US financing, training and technology transfer into resilient self‑defense—and on Washington's ability to deter China without igniting the war it hopes to prevent and ultimately not lose.


South China Morning Post
23-07-2025
- South China Morning Post
Chinese scientists break design ‘curse' that killed US Navy's X-47B drone programme
Chinese aerospace engineers have a revolutionary software design, which they say will allow them to overcome a major barrier to stealth aircraft development The new platform allows plane designers to have as many design variables as they want without increasing computing load – a feat long deemed impossible in aviation circles. The researchers described their innovation as breaking the 'dimensionality curse' and used the US Navy's X-47B, a demonstration stealth drone, to illustrate how the system worked. Once celebrated for its carrier landings and autonomous aerial refuelling, the X-47B project was cancelled in 2015 because of unresolved trade-offs between stealth, aerodynamics and propulsion. However, the Chinese software design delivered dramatic improvements to the design with 740 variables, including measures to reduce flight drag and its radar signature, as well as improving engine thrust while maintaining airflow stability. 'Traditional global optimisation algorithms face the curse of dimensionality problem,' wrote the team led by Huang Jiangtao from the China Aerodynamics Research and Development Centre in a peer-reviewed paper published in Acta Aeronautica et Astronautica Sinica earlier this month. The shape of components such as wing leading edges and engine inlet ducts affects two crucial things: how smoothly the plane flies and how easily it can be detected by enemy radars.