
Vietnam city to ban classes after 8pm to ease student stress, curb private tutoring
Ho Chi Minh City plans to ban evening supplementary classes to protect student well-being, as the
Vietnamese city further tightens control over its private tutoring industry.
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Ending extra classes by 8pm would allow students to spend more time with family and promote a more balanced lifestyle, said Ho Tan Minh, chief of office at the Ho Chi Minh City Department of Education and Training, on Friday.
He pointed to the significant time many students already spent in full-day schools, which typically ran from morning until 4 or 5pm, according to English daily Viet Nam News.
The city's heavy traffic congestion, which added to students' commute times, also factored into the decision, Minh added.
This move is the latest in a series of efforts over the past decade to regulate Ho Chi Minh City's booming private tutoring sector.
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Previous measures included a ban on private tutoring for primary school pupils and directives requiring school principals to remind teachers of their responsibility to deliver comprehensive instruction during regular hours so that students do not need extra tuition.

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RTHK
30-05-2025
- RTHK
Honour for HK to host mediation HQ: John Lee
Honour for HK to host mediation HQ: John Lee John Lee said Hong Kong is a city that 'builds bridges, not walls'. Photo: RTHK Chief Executive John Lee said on Friday that the establishment of the International Organization for Mediation (IOMed) in Hong Kong will be a "great honour" for the city and the SAR's world-class legal infrastructure makes it a "preferred venue" for dispute resolution. Speaking at the signing ceremony of the Convention on the Establishment of the International Organization for Mediation, Lee said Hong Kong is a city that "builds bridges, not walls", underscoring the government's dedication to supporting IOMed's mission to deliver "friendly, flexible, economical and efficient mediation services". "The IOMed will provide a pathway for countries, regardless of culture, language and legal system, to resolve international disputes based on mutual respect and understanding. This is increasingly important amid mounting geopolitical tensions," he said. "When protectionism threatens to derail the international trade order, and when unilateralism looms over global supply chains, it is dialogue, not division, that restores balance." Lee noted that Hong Kong is the only common law jurisdiction in China and the only one in the world that operates in both Chinese and English. He said the city has a strong tradition of the rule of law, characterised by an independent judiciary and a court of final appeal featuring distinguished jurists with both local and international backgrounds. "We actively promote a vibrant culture of mediation. In fact, it is a general policy to incorporate a mediation clause in all government contracts. We are also enhancing the system on local accreditation and disciplinary matters of the mediation profession," he said. "And we go all out to build bridges with the world. Hong Kong will actively promote the IOMed's valuable work in settling international disputes through mediation, and advocate mediation as a global tool for peace and justice across borders." Lee said IOMed's headquarters at a former police station in Wan Chai could open as soon as the end of the year.


Asia Times
27-05-2025
- Asia Times
How to read Vietnam's F-16 purchase
HO CHI MINH CITY – Vietnam is reportedly poised to purchase F-16 fighter jets from the United States, a deal that would mark a profound shift in Vietnam's defense procurement strategy away from long-standing dependence on Russian weaponry and toward a more diversified and geopolitically calculated approach. A 1945 report says that the acquisition, although no numbers have been revealed, is expected to be for at least 24 aircraft. The report says if and when F-16s are combined with other US platforms Vietnam desires, including C-130 Hercules transport planes, 'it could all add up to the largest defense arrangement ever reached between the two nations.' This development comes as Vietnam faces growing challenges, both economically and strategically. In early 2025, the Trump administration announced steep 46% 'reciprocal' tariffs on Vietnamese goods, including textiles and electronics, citing trade imbalances and currency manipulation. This trade pressure, combined with intensifying US-China competition and a waning Russia, places Vietnam at a critical juncture in balancing its foreign and defense policy. For decades, Vietnam's air force has relied on Soviet- and Russian-made fighters—MiG-21s, Su-22s, and Su-30MK2s. These systems served Vietnam well through the Cold War and into the early 21st century. But today, that dependency presents real risks. Russia's ongoing war in Ukraine and its resulting diplomatic and logistical isolation have slowed its arms production and disrupted global defense supply chains. Maintenance, spare parts and modernization have become increasingly difficult to secure. Vietnam, like many Southeast Asian states, is now seeking to reduce overreliance on a single supplier. Enter the US-made F-16—a versatile, cost-effective, and widely used fighter jet. While it is not the most advanced aircraft in the US arsenal, its interoperability with allied systems and relative ease of integration make it an attractive option for countries in transition. Still, Hanoi's decision is about more than hardware. It reflects a broader strategic recalibration. Vietnam's foreign policy doctrine—especially its 'Four No's' principle (no military alliances, no foreign bases, no siding with one country against another, and no use of force in international relations)—emphasizes independence and multilateralism. The F-16 purchase fits within this framework, allowing Vietnam to modernize while avoiding the perception of falling into Washington's orbit. Rather than signaling alignment with the US, the deal is better understood as an assertion of Vietnam's strategic autonomy. By engaging with multiple defense partners—including Israel, India, Japan, South Korea, and several EU countries—Vietnam is positioning itself as a regional power with options. The regional context is crucial. Southeast Asia has become a theater of strategic maneuvering, with China asserting itself through economic influence and military presence, particularly in the contested South China Sea, where the two sides have overlapping claims. At the same time, the US has sought to reestablish its credibility as a security partner. Countries in the region are not choosing sides, but rather hedging—building ties with all powers while maintaining sovereignty. Examples abound: Indonesia is purchasing French-made Rafales and US F-15EX aircraft. The Philippines is deepening its military cooperation with the US while also acquiring Indian BrahMos missiles. Thailand historically flies US and European fighters but is pursuing Chinese-made submarines. Vietnam's calculated move fits this pattern. It seeks to preserve peace and stability while signaling its willingness to adapt. The F-16 deal also opens doors for future cooperation in areas like pilot training, intelligence sharing, logistics and joint exercises—all without violating Vietnam's core principles. Domestically, the move carries mixed perceptions. Older generations, with deep memories of Soviet support during wartime, may feel uneasy. But younger Vietnamese—especially in urban centers—tend to be more pragmatic, economically focused and wary of China's regional assertiveness. For them, alignment with modern, capable partners like the US represents an investment in national security and global relevance. Russia's response will likely be muted. Its own economic and military constraints limit its ability to retaliate diplomatically. Moscow may instead try to retain influence via energy deals and symbolic gestures. But its long-term hold on Vietnam's defense market appears to be loosening. For Washington, the deal is a quiet diplomatic win. It shows that America remains a viable partner, even for countries with a history of ambivalence. Yet, US policymakers should temper expectations. Vietnam is not becoming an ally—it is engaging on its own terms. Washington should respond not with pressure but with consistency and respect for Vietnam's strategic logic. Ultimately, this deal represents more than a military upgrade. It is a reflection of a new strategic maturity. Vietnam is navigating a complex, multipolar world with deliberate ambiguity. By buying F-16s, Hanoi is not choosing the US—it is choosing leverage, resilience and the space to shape its own future. In an age where great-power competition often demands binary choices, Vietnam offers a compelling alternative: sovereignty through balance. Its evolving foreign policy serves as a case study for other nations seeking to survive—not by taking sides but by maximizing options. Johnny Thai, a pseudonym, is a Vietnam-based geopolitical analyst and independent commentator specializing in Southeast Asian strategic affairs, US-China relations, defense diplomacy and Vietnam's evolving foreign policy posture.


Asia Times
22-05-2025
- Asia Times
Asian markets shudder on US national debt fears
Asian equities tumbled Thursday (May 22) as investors absorbed a stark message from Washington: America's fiscal burden is ballooning and the impact is rippling across the Pacific. The sell-off wasn't isolated. From Tokyo to Mumbai, regional benchmarks turned red, tracking Wall Street's plunge as anxiety surged over a proposed US budget bill that could hugely inflate the national debt as it approaches an already staggering US$37 trillion. This number matters in Asia more than many acknowledge. For decades, the US dollar and the Treasury market have been the gravitational center of global finance. Asia's economies—export-driven, dollar-reliant and often US trade-dependent—have operated under the assumption of American fiscal discipline. This assumption, however, is breaking down. The US government had to pay a yield of 5.047% this week to borrow $16 billion over 20 years. The fact that Washington is now offering rates unseen in decades just to keep borrowing shows how fragile demand for its debt has become. The ripple effects are hitting Asia hard. The yield on the 10-year Treasury note spiked to 4.59%, pushing up borrowing costs across the global economy. That's not just a technical move—it's a direct hit to Asian corporates and governments that rely on dollar funding. Asian investors now wonder how much control the US still has over this debt spiral. President Donald Trump's push to advance a massive federal spending package without a parallel deficit-reduction framework has raised alarm bells in financial centers from Seoul to Singapore. In Tokyo, officials are reportedly reviewing contingency plans for US fiscal instability. The Bank of Korea flagged 'external debt dynamics' as a new risk in its latest financial stability report. The Reserve Bank of India is watching dollar strength and Treasury yields closely. But beyond the macro mechanics, there's a deeper strategic concern emerging across Asia: erosion of trust. The Trump administration's hardline trade stance is re-emerging. Tariffs—whether new or reimposed—are back on the table. This puts key Asian exporters directly in the line of fire. Chinese technology firms, South Korean chipmakers, Vietnamese manufacturers and even Japanese automakers are reassessing forward orders. The memory of past trade fights lingers, and this time it's happening under the shadow of a fiscal regime that is visibly wobbling. For Asia's financial markets, the timing couldn't be worse. As China navigates a slow and fragile recovery and Japan fights deflationary forces, the region was looking for global tailwinds—not more unpredictability from its largest trading partner. The bond sell-off is more than a warning about interest rates. It's a vote of no confidence in America's willingness, or ability, to rein in spending. The consequences for Asia are structural. Many of the region's largest institutional investors, including central banks, insurance companies and pension funds, are major holders of US Treasurys. As yields rise and prices fall, portfolios suffer. That translates into fiscal stress, funding gaps and, in some cases, reduced room for domestic policy stimulus. That's why the sudden surge in risk-off behavior this week isn't just panic—it's positioning. Bitcoin's meteoric rise this month—up 15%, touching a record $111,000—is partly a product of this shift. Alternative stores of value are gaining traction. Asian investors are increasingly looking beyond the dollar-based system. Stablecoins like USDT are piling up on crypto exchanges, signaling growing liquidity in nontraditional markets. Institutional capital is moving. Public companies have boosted their bitcoin holdings by 31% since January—many of them Asian tech firms and conglomerates with significant US exposure. Meanwhile, the push for crypto regulation in the US—accelerated this week with the Senate voting to advance stablecoin legislation—adds a layer of urgency. Trump has signaled he wants crypto rules ready before the August recess. That's being read in Asia as political theater: a rush to create the appearance of control as confidence wanes. The question Asian policymakers and market participants are asking now is no longer, 'Will the US get its fiscal house in order?' but rather, 'What happens when it doesn't?' The dollar may remain dominant, but dominance built on rising debt, erratic trade policies and politicized budgeting isn't sustainable. Asia is beginning to recalibrate. More local-currency trade agreements, more digital asset experimentation, more sovereign diversification away from US Treasurys—all are now on the table. The US national debt story has become Asia's market risk. And until Washington confronts its addiction to borrowing, Asian investors will treat every US budget negotiation as a global event risk, not just a domestic debate. The sell-off this week is a symptom; the real ill is Asia's fading faith in US credibility.