EU's top tech official to remain in post until September 2026
Viola, who has led the European Commission's Directorate for Communications, Networks, Content and Technology (DG CNECT) since 2015, has received an extension beyond the usual age limit, two Commission officials confirmed to Euractiv.
The Italian turned 65 this year – the standard retirement age for officials who joined the European institutions before 2013. Those hired later retire at 66.
Limited extensions of up to one year are possible, a Commission official said, meaning Viola has probably received two decisions for extensions allowing him to stay on until September 2026. Extensions are only possible under exceptional circumstances and up to age 70.
As head of DG CNECT, Viola oversees some of the EU's most significant tech laws, including the Digital Services Act (DSA), the Digital Markets Act (DMA) and the AI Act. His role has taken on increasing geopolitical importance since those laws have come under fire from Donald Trump and his administration, amid ongoing talks that the EU hopes will free it from some US tariffs.
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Euractiv
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Under the surface, EU migration tensions simmer
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What follows is an edited transcript. Euractiv: Looking at the bigger picture, how do you view the apparent shift in EU migration policy, with more and more member states pushing for a tougher migration policy? Schinas: The way that migration policy evolves at national and European level is not the result of an experiment that is taking place in a laboratory. Policy follows what the people and the voters want. People across Europe – and I would say across political families – want more order on migration and on migration management. They want procedures, controls, border management. They want solidarity [between EU countries], and they want returns. Many are highlighting a newfound sense of unity on migration. That is quite striking, considering that just a few years ago, putting migration on the EUCO agenda would have triggered major divisions. I fully agree with you that we have now a new... how should I call this? In French, we would call it a 'prise de conscience' [awakening] around migration. I'm very happy to see that this is not only happening, but it's intensifying, and permeates policy beyond migration. It goes into foreign policy, development policy, the way we spend our money in third countries... and all of this is good. Do you think the concept of return hubs would have been possible just five years ago? I understand that there is a political market that wants to explore these return hubs and extraterritorial solutions. I do not oppose it in principle, but I don't think that it's something that's easy to do. From a legal standpoint? From all points of view, judging from what I saw and what I tried to do over the last five years. My advice would be: It would be okay to explore, but it would be a mistake to chase an objective not doable in the short term, or raise expectations. I'm not sure that this is the way to proceed. I belong to a school of thought that policy should be based on what is feasible. You coordinated the Commission's work on the new pact from 2019 to 2024. How do you assess progress so far, considering that several member states still haven't submitted their national strategies? I think that you cannot answer this without looking at how European migration policy was in the past [before 2019]. The short answer is: there wasn't any. We had repeated attempts and efforts that have all failed. The only thing that we had was this obligatory relocation scheme, taking people from Italy and Greece following the collapse of Syria [in 2015, Europe experienced a significant migration crisis, largely driven by a surge in refugees fleeing conflict and instability in Syria and other countries]. I'm very proud that, at the end of my mandate, we managed to have the first ever regulatory framework for migration and asylum. I have no doubt that everything that is happening – now or next year when the pact come into force – will be a huge improvement compared to the situation back in December 2019. Still, Poland and Hungary are staunchly against the new pact. If they don't implement it, do they risk jeopardising the whole approach? There have been some objections, but I think it's fair to say that these objections did not materialise – unlike in 2015 – into a block on the pact. Each member state's position is legitimate. However, I would say that these have been stances of member states [Hungary, Poland] wanting to make a point on where they stand on migration – rather than blocking Europe from having a comprehensive migration policy. It is very telling that we may have lost Warsaw and Budapest, but we have won Giorgia Meloni's Rome. I am optimistic that this will not hinder or prevent the pact's implementation. Do you see potential for the consensus to crumble once hard numbers – such as for the Solidarity Pool in October – are on the table? I do not agree. We have put so much time, effort, and resources into this European regulatory approach. It would be suicidal for Europe to arrive at the point that we are now and then begin undoing it. I fail to see who will be well served by doing this. The only people that would be happy if we fail to live up to our regulatory commitments would be those who want to destroy Europe – the Le Pen's and the Mélenchon's of this world... the Podemos and the Vox. The ones who have been consistently attacking the pact and calling for its demolition are the extremes – both on the right and the left. I want to be clear that I don't put Warsaw and Budapest in this spot; it's another league. With their stances, they want to remind us, how they view migration policy. But I say again that I don't expect them to block Europe from having and implementing a common regulatory policy on migration. EU leaders to debate 'accelerated implementation' of migration law reforms A German proposal for Council conclusions seen by Euractiv calls for implementing the rules earlier than planned, but member states are divided. (vib, aw)
Euractiv
3 hours ago
- Euractiv
UK denies Fico's election meddling claim
BRATISLAVA – The UK has firmly rejected Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico's claim that it interfered in Slovakia's 2023 election, after Fico threatened to raise the issue with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and EU leaders. Late Tuesday, the British Embassy in Slovakia issued a firm denial. "Any claim that the United Kingdom sought to influence the outcome of the election or encourage people to vote for or against a particular political party is completely untrue,' Embassy's spokeswoman Monika Holečková told Slovak outlet 'This activity was aimed at encouraging young people to participate in the democratic process in their countries by participating in elections, regardless of their political affiliation or support," Holečková added. Earlier that day, Fico told a press conference that London had paid 'journalists, activists, and influencers' to sway public opinion against his party, Smer-SD, and in favour of the opposition party Progressive Slovakia in an election his party ultimately won. He cited an article published by the British investigative outlet Declassified UK on 16 July. Without presenting further evidence, Fico spoke of a 'deliberate, intentional act by a foreign power with some journalists and political influencers' to influence the vote. Slovakia's foreign ministry has summoned the British ambassador for a meeting on Wednesday. Fico warned that if the ambassador failed to provide a satisfactory explanation, he would write an open letter to European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and personally contact other EU leaders. 'Our interest is not to escalate tensions, but to clarify the situation,' he said. Author rejects Fico's version The article in question alleges that UK-funded media agency Zinc Network Ltd paid influencers across Central and Eastern Europe to encourage young people to vote – a region it describes as a 'key battleground in the information war with Russia'. Influencers were asked to post content approved by the British Foreign Office. But speaking to Denník N, Williams rejected claims that the UK influenced Slovak elections in favour of any specific political party. 'My investigation showed that influencers on social media were paid to post videos aimed at mobilising young voters ahead of the 2023 elections. It was not an explicit partisan campaign nor support for any particular party,' Williams said. He also dismissed Fico's claim that journalists were involved: 'As far as I know, no journalists were involved in this operation. Therefore, it would be wrong to accuse journalists in this case.' Williams added that the campaign appeared to be a call for electoral participation and support for democracy. (de)
