Is Modi Govt's Caste Census Move Just a Tool For Power Politics or Real Social Reform?

The Wire

07-05-2025

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Is Modi Govt's Caste Census Move Just a Tool For Power Politics or Real Social Reform?
Deepanshu Mohan
44 minutes ago
Several questions continue to arise as to what could have caused this unanticipated move by the BJP-led government and its sudden alignment with the opposition's pressed idea of conducting a caste census.
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Illustration: The Wire
The Bharatiya Janata Party-led government recently announced that it would be conducting a caste census with the next scheduled general census.
The announcement came as a U-turn taken by the current administration since the BJP has never shown any keen interest in conducting a caste census, which was often put forward by the opposition parties, stressed by the Congress member of parliament, Rahul Gandhi.
During a 2023 Lok Sabha session, when Gandhi demanded the Union government to conduct a caste census, Prime Minister Narendra Modi stated that the four biggest caste categories for him were 'women, youth, farmers and the poor'. Now, the government itself seems to acknowledge its folly of apathetically ignoring caste as an issue of policy deliberation and intervention.
Still, several questions arise as to what could have caused this unanticipated move by the BJP-led government and its sudden alignment with the opposition's pressed idea of conducting a caste census.
A clear resonance of its timing needs to be mapped with the upcoming Bihar assembly elections.
Bihar assembly's own leader of opposition, Tejaswi Yadav, has alleged previously that 'BJP and RSS are against reservations, that is why they don't want to conduct a caste census.' So, the Union government's announcement became a point of proving to the public that it was them, not the opposition, who acted upon conducting the caste census.
Historical context of caste census matters
A lesser known fact regarding conducting a caste census is that it was predominantly undertaken by the British administration as a periodic exercise, with the last caste census conducted in 1931 under the Raj.
Due to the periodic census being taken, it showed the inequalities between castes and also resulted in movements to forward historically backward castes.
Later, the UPA government in 2011 had conducted a socio-economic and caste census, for which the data was never made publicly available.
The reason for non-reporting was due to the large anomalies that existed with the caste data. In Indra Sawhey v. Union of India (1992), the Supreme Court mentioned the importance of the collection of caste data for reservations and furthering the aim of affirmative action.
Arguing for a caste census
Beyond numbers alone, the issue of caste census offers a vital mirror to India's layered social realities and deepended socio-economic inequalities.
For many Dalit and OBC communities, it reveals that their struggles are not isolated but part of a shared experience of exclusion. Over time, the circulation of caste data has fostered a collective awareness and solidarity among the marginalised. This awareness has shaped a distinct political imagination, one grounded not in abstract ideals of nationhood but in lived realities of deprivation. The caste census, then, is not just a tool of enumeration – it is a vehicle for reimagining the nation through the lens of social justice.
Caste census is crucial for understanding and addressing social inequality by providing detailed, caste-specific data highlighting disparities across various socio-economic factors.
By capturing information inter alia on education, employment, income and healthcare access, it reveals the unequal distribution of resources and opportunities among different caste groups.
For instance, the 2011 census recorded a 66.1% literacy rate among SCs, significantly lower than the national average of 72.99%. NFHS-4 data revealed that SC/ST households had lower monthly per capita expenditure than general caste households.
Health disparities are stark too. Such data helps identify areas where marginalised communities are lagging, such as in education, where certain castes face higher dropout rates, or in healthcare, where Dalit women, on average, live 15 years less than women from dominant castes.
Such detailed information is critical for policymakers to design targeted interventions, ensuring that resources are allocated effectively and policies like reservations are grounded in recent, accurate data. Furthermore, the caste census would enable ongoing monitoring of social programs, helping assess whether efforts to reduce inequality are successful and if new strategies are needed.
Myth or reality?
Though positioned as a tool for ensuring social equity or equal opportunity in access terms, caste census also presents serious concerns rooted in historical and logistical complications.
Past censuses, like those in 1871 and 1931, revealed arbitrary classifications, such as grouping beggars, cooks and mendicants under vague categories, highlighting the difficulty of capturing caste complexity. The 2011 SECC recorded over 46.7 lakh caste names with 8.2 crore errors, exposing the administrative chaos that such exercises can trigger.
Misclassification is rampant – surnames like 'Dhanak', 'Dhanka' and 'Dhanuk' span SC and ST categories depending on the state, often leading to incorrect enumeration. These challenges are magnified when caste data is used to push for 'proportional reservations.'
Thus, the process of caste census is an uphill battle which must be held in accordance with the constitutional ethos of equality (Article 14) and dignity (Article 21), aligning with global standards under the UDHR, particularly Articles 1 and 7, which uphold equality and human dignity.
Article 340 of the Constitution of India, which mandates the investigation into conditions of backward classes and recommends action, must be made a reality via a caste census. Any manipulation or misuse of data that could lead to unjust policies must be addressed with caution, as such actions risk violating the principles of 'fairness' and 'due process' laid down in Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978),
The release of the Bihar Caste Census Report 2023 has also revealed a significant shift in understanding the state's demographic landscape. The state is set to go to the polls later this year. Its census report showed that over 63% of its population comprises OBCs and EBCs, with EBCs alone making up 36.01% of the population. This challenges the traditional dominance of upper castes in Bihar's political and social spheres. The Bihar report highlights significant gap between the state's dominant 15.5% upper-caste population and the 84% of marginalised castes, underscoring the need for more robust affirmative action policies.
Notwithstanding these issues, the announcement for caste census by the Union government came a day after Prime Minister Modi met Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat, whose organisation hasn't always been a supporter of reservations.
Notably, the Modi government has a long list of failed promises to account for. Be it the promise of two crore jobs annually, failure to provide a legal guarantee for MSP, or the promise of free ration to 80 crore people for five years. The grand vision of 'Viksit Bharat' too appears directionless and distant at this point without a clear action plan for ensuring progressive, inclusive human capital development for all, while minimising inequalities of access and outcomes.
It remains to be seen whether the caste census will become just another political distraction, aimed at deflecting attention from the escalating security crisis in Kashmir and swaying votes, or if it will deliver meaningful change. Either way, it must be pursued in line with constitutional values of justice, fairness and equity.
Deepanshu Mohan is a professor of economics, dean, IDEAS and director, Centre for New Economics Studies. He is a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and an academic visiting fellow to AMES, University of Oxford.
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