logo
Egypt Declares Thursday Paid Public Holiday to Mark July 23 Revolution Anniv.

Egypt Declares Thursday Paid Public Holiday to Mark July 23 Revolution Anniv.

Ahmed Emam
The Egyptian government announced that Thursday, July 24, 2025, will be a paid public holiday, in lieu of Wednesday, July 23, to mark the anniversary of the 1952 July 23 Revolution. The move aligns with a Cabinet decision to shift official holidays to the end of the week to provide extended breaks for workers.
According to the Prime Minister's Decree No. 2474 of 2025, the holiday will be granted to employees across ministries, public authorities, state administrative bodies, public sector companies, and public business sector enterprises. The private sector will also observe the holiday under the provisions of Egyptian Labor Law No. 12 of 2003.
The Ministry of Labor issued Circular No. 15 of 2025, clarifying that private sector workers covered by the labor law are entitled to a fully paid day off on Thursday, July 24. The decision is made in accordance with Article 52 of the labor law, which grants employees paid leave on official public holidays as determined by the competent minister.
The circular emphasized that employers may require employees to work on the holiday if necessary for business operations. In such cases, workers are entitled to double their standard pay for the day, in addition to their regular wage.
The Ministry urged all central administration heads and labor directorates across the country to implement the circular at workplaces and production sites and ensure full compliance with its provisions.
The July 23 holiday commemorates the 1952 revolution led by the Free Officers Movement, which ended the monarchy and laid the foundations of modern republican Egypt.
read more
Gold prices rise, 21 Karat at EGP 3685
NATO's Role in Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
US Expresses 'Strong Opposition' to New Turkish Military Operation in Syria
Shoukry Meets Director-General of FAO
Lavrov: confrontation bet. nuclear powers must be avoided
News
Iran Summons French Ambassador over Foreign Minister Remarks
News
Aboul Gheit Condemns Israeli Escalation in West Bank
News
Greek PM: Athens Plays Key Role in Improving Energy Security in Region
News
One Person Injured in Explosion at Ukrainian Embassy in Madrid
News
Israeli-Linked Hadassah Clinic in Moscow Treats Wounded Iranian IRGC Fighters
Arts & Culture
"Jurassic World Rebirth" Gets Streaming Date
News
China Launches Largest Ever Aircraft Carrier
Videos & Features
Tragedy Overshadows MC Alger Championship Celebration: One Fan Dead, 11 Injured After Stadium Fall
Lifestyle
Get to Know 2025 Eid Al Adha Prayer Times in Egypt
Arts & Culture
South Korean Actress Kang Seo-ha Dies at 31 after Cancer Battle
Business
Egyptian Pound Undervalued by 30%, Says Goldman Sachs
Sports
Get to Know 2025 WWE Evolution Results
News
"Tensions Escalate: Iran Probes Allegations of Indian Tech Collaboration with Israeli Intelligence"
News
Flights suspended at Port Sudan Airport after Drone Attacks
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Israel and Syria II: When Realpolitik Meets Fragile Transitions
Israel and Syria II: When Realpolitik Meets Fragile Transitions

Daily News Egypt

timean hour ago

  • Daily News Egypt

Israel and Syria II: When Realpolitik Meets Fragile Transitions

In continuation of the previous analysis, there is no inconsistency in Israel's stance toward developments in Syria. From the outset of the Syrian crisis and the potential fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime, Tel Aviv has closely scrutinized the new ruling authority in Damascus. Although the regime emerged from a background marked by jihadism and associations with terrorism, Israel has consistently approached these designations with calculated pragmatism. What matters most to Israeli policymakers are actions and outcomes on the ground. As such, Israel has shown no objection to engaging with a regime that may be labeled as 'terrorist,' provided it safeguards Israeli interests and security—and as long as its militancy is directed elsewhere. It is worth noting that this understanding was part of early negotiations between Israel, the United States, and Türkiye prior to Ahmad Al-Sharaa replacing Bashar al-Assad. This context perhaps explains Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's lack of opposition to lifting U.S. sanctions on the new regime—viewing Al-Sharaa as someone who understands his limits and what is expected of him. From the outset, Netanyahu made it clear that the Druze minority in Syria enjoys Israel's full support and protection, and any violations against them would be deemed unacceptable. His justification lies in Israel's historic and social ties to the Druze communities inside Israel and the Golan Heights. For perspective, over 30% of Israel's military is composed of Druze recruits. Any persecution of the Druze in Syria would therefore pose not only a political embarrassment but also a serious security and military concern for Israel. Meanwhile, Netanyahu continues to battle internal political crises that threaten his entire political trajectory. Although his position somewhat improved following military strikes on Iran, he may still need to show moderate flexibility to broaden international support regarding the ongoing crises in Gaza and Lebanon. At such a volatile time, opening a new front with Syria could be politically unwise. Hence, the Israeli response—targeting the Syrian Army General Command headquarters in Damascus, just meters from the presidential palace—served as a calculated deterrent. Within minutes, Ahmad Al-Sharaa announced an agreement with Druze leaders in Suweida, vowing to prosecute those responsible for the violations that occurred during the two-day crisis. As the regional situation grows more complex, various countries are positioning themselves according to their own agendas. Qatar and Türkiye continue to support the new regime and wish to preserve its stability. Conversely, countries like China and Russia, with vested interests in Syria, are waiting for clarity to formulate their strategic vision—one that may not align with the ambitions of Doha and Ankara. Iran, on the other hand, is seeking to regain lost ground after the collapse of Assad's rule forced its militias and IRGC members to flee Syria for Iraq. Tehran may seek to capitalize on the conflict in Suweida to revive illicit trade routes—whether through Captagon trafficking or arms smuggling via Iraq. As noted, Netanyahu is handling the post-Assad phase with realism. He views the current Syrian leadership as a one-man show led by Abu Mohammad Al-Julani, who has declared himself president and appointed government officials—many of whom are former jihadist commanders from Idlib. The same applies to the army, police, education system, and other state structures. There is no issue, from Netanyahu's perspective, in token representation of other minorities to soften the regime's image, as long as the overwhelming Sunni majority—which shares Al-Julani's ideology—remains dominant. This Sunni majority, having endured decades of brutal suppression at the hands of the Alawite minority and the Ba'ath Party under Assad father and son, is now driven by a clear ambition to end minority rule, disarm them, seize their assets, and reduce them to protectorates under a Sunni jihadist state. Julani is pursuing this vision through systematic violence and terror, targeting minorities with deliberate massacres. The lack of formal investigations, accountability, or even transparent reports—despite Al-Sharaa's repeated promises—speaks volumes about the intent behind these crimes. Beyond the specific commitment to the Druze in southern Syria, Israel sees a grave and tangible threat in the emergence of a new regime grounded in jihadist and ISIS-like principles. The deployment of elite Syrian military units—known as the 'Red Gangs'—to the Druze city of Suweida is seen as a major escalation. These specialized forces, commanded directly by Ahmad Al-Sharaa, are the military backbone of the new regime. Regional intelligence sources indicate that the Red Gangs are tasked with high-risk operations, including deep infiltration missions and complex urban warfare scenarios. In this fluid political context, Syria under Al-Sharaa could quickly descend into chaos. Without a strong central authority, the likelihood of another civil war is high. Moreover, hastily crafted solutions—designed merely to appease Tel Aviv and preserve the regime—may paradoxically accelerate the collapse. The agreement announced shortly after the Israeli strike on the Republican Palace and Army HQ in Damascus, which called for the withdrawal of Syrian forces from Suweida and the handover of local security to the Druze community, amounted to a near-official declaration of autonomy. What complicates matters further is that Druze religious leadership is now demanding the reopening of roads to Kurdish-controlled areas in northern and eastern Syria. This points to a potential redrawing of Syria's sectarian and ethnic map, with the Suweida deal encouraging other groups to seek similar autonomy—a fast track to full-scale civil conflict. Although Israel remains the dominant power in the Syrian equation and the final decision-maker in most developments, the current trajectory presents a serious challenge to Tel Aviv. The uncontrolled situation could lead to the emergence of a Hamas-style or Hezbollah-like entity—this time on Israel's Syrian border. If Israel fails to act decisively, it could face catastrophic scenarios akin to those of October 7, 2023, or find itself dragged into a prolonged war of attrition with radical Islamist factions in Syria. This may also trigger a strategic reassessment in Washington and among key regional actors who had previously invested in or backed figures like Al-Sharaa or Julani as potential models for post-conflict governance across other conflict zones in the Middle East—such as Yemen, Libya, and Sudan. All the above are not mere speculations, but critical facts that must be taken into account in understanding what lies ahead. Dr. Hatem Sadek: Professor at Helwan University

After the Two-State Solution Conference: Diverging Western Visions Lay Bare the Depth of the Palestinian Predicament
After the Two-State Solution Conference: Diverging Western Visions Lay Bare the Depth of the Palestinian Predicament

Daily News Egypt

timean hour ago

  • Daily News Egypt

After the Two-State Solution Conference: Diverging Western Visions Lay Bare the Depth of the Palestinian Predicament

The 'Two-State Solution' conference, held in New York on July 28–29 under Saudi-French co-sponsorship, concluded on Tuesday evening. While the agenda formally centered on humanitarian relief for Gaza, the core political question that underpinned the gathering was far more urgent and far-reaching: Is a Palestinian state still a viable political objective, or has it been relegated to the realm of conditional and delayed aspirations? The conference revealed stark divergences between key Western powers, particularly the United States and the United Kingdom, and exposed a deeper schism in how the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is framed: Is Palestinian statehood a matter for negotiation—or an inherent right that must be internationally recognized as a prelude to any future resolution? Under the leadership of President Donald Trump—now in his second term since January 2025—the United States maintains an unwavering commitment to Israel, offering unconditional military and political support while firmly rejecting unilateral recognition of a Palestinian state. The administration continues to promote a so-called 'final settlement' built around regional realignments, with reports surfacing of unofficial proposals to relocate Gaza's population to neighboring countries and rebrand the Strip as a future investment hub. Though not officially adopted, such notions signal a broader American strategy to entrench Palestinian statehood within Israeli strategic thinking, deferring its realization to current power dynamics overwhelmingly tilted in Israel's favor. This approach significantly undermines the position of those who advocate postponing recognition of Palestine under the pretext of waiting for a negotiated settlement—especially when Israel has consistently denied the very existence of a Palestinian entity or any rights beyond fragmented, subordinated pockets under its military dominance. By contrast, the United Kingdom, under Labour Prime Minister Keir Starmer, has attempted to strike a more balanced tone. London voiced concern over the dire humanitarian crisis in Gaza, called for secure aid corridors, and announced a freeze on certain arms exports to Israel. Yet Starmer reaffirmed that recognition of a Palestinian state would only come within the framework of a negotiated peace deal—despite the fact that his party's electoral manifesto had committed to supporting recognition. This reticence has drawn criticism from within his own party, with many accusing him of hiding behind procedural constraints while conditions on the ground continue to deteriorate. Meanwhile, France's announcement of its intention to recognize the State of Palestine by September represents a political shockwave in Europe. Notably, this position reportedly germinated during President Emmanuel Macron's recent visit to Cairo, reflecting a growing French–Egyptian alignment on the core tenets of a just peace: rejecting population displacement, affirming the Arab Peace Initiative, and emphasizing the centrality of international law. Equally significant has been Egypt's sustained diplomatic engagement since the onset of the Gaza war. Cairo was the first to reject any demographic engineering or forced transfer of Palestinians. It has since played a pivotal role in ceasefire efforts, humanitarian coordination, and advocating for a two-state solution based on relevant UN resolutions. Saudi Arabia, for its part, emerged as a transformative actor, not only co-chairing the New York conference but also driving the political momentum behind reintroducing state recognition as a credible diplomatic tool. Indeed, what the conference began to crystallize is a strategic shift: recognition of Palestine is no longer merely symbolic—it is becoming a mechanism for recalibrating the diplomatic balance and exerting pressure on Israel and its principal backer, the United States. The idea is to internationalize Palestinian statehood as a recognized right, rather than a concession granted by Israel. In doing so, the issue is decoupled from Israel's veto power and inserted instead into the realm of global legitimacy—acknowledged by both major and minor powers alike. The European Union's voice at the conference reinforced this trajectory. EU Commissioner Dubravka Šuica stated unequivocally: 'We are not merely participants in this process—we are shaping the region's agenda. We are not simply calling for peace; we are investing in it.' She further emphasized the EU's dual commitment to 'an Israel that is secure and a Palestine that is free.' In this shifting landscape, the UK finds itself at a moral and strategic crossroads. Remaining in diplomatic limbo—neither fully aligned with the American hardline nor integrated into the emerging European consensus—could erode Britain's credibility in the region and within its own political institutions. The question looms: will the UK remain cautious to preserve its transatlantic ties, or take a principled leap to join a growing chorus of nations recognizing Palestine? The United States, meanwhile, appears determined to stay the course. Its refusal to endorse France's recognition initiative and its silence on EU proposals for immediate diplomatic steps highlight Washington's continued prioritization of Israeli security over Palestinian sovereignty. Amid this transatlantic rift, Palestinians once again find themselves caught in an unjust equation: one side ties their right to statehood to the will of those who deny it; the other expresses rhetorical solidarity but hesitates to act. In truth, the aftermath of the New York conference marks not an endpoint but a beginning. As preparations proceed for a potential follow-up summit in Paris during the UN General Assembly in September, pressure will mount on undecided nations to take a definitive stance. The world must now choose: either recognize the Palestinian state as an inalienable political reality—or retreat once again into cycles of negotiation, where peace remains deferred, justice diluted, and rights suspended between maps and promises. Dr. Marwa El-Shinawy: Academic and Writer

Egypt PM says recent economic crisis over, calls for price cuts - Society
Egypt PM says recent economic crisis over, calls for price cuts - Society

Al-Ahram Weekly

time6 hours ago

  • Al-Ahram Weekly

Egypt PM says recent economic crisis over, calls for price cuts - Society

Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly said on Tuesday that Egypt has overcome its recent economic crisis, calling for a tangible drop in commodity prices. 'All indicators of Egypt's economic performance are positive, but the current prices of goods do not align at all with this improvement,' Madbouly said at a meeting with merchants and manufacturers in New Alamein City. He urged identifying causes that will lead to a downward trajectory in prices. 'Just as prices rose in previous periods due to the challenges we faced, they must now decline,' a cabinet statement quoted Madbouly as saying. He underlined the government's efforts to ensure the availability of various goods and production inputs for factories. 'We have succeeded in achieving this through full stability and a commitment from the banking system to provide all the foreign currency requirements for imports over the recent period,' he said. Madbouly stressed that citizens now need to see a genuine drop in commodity prices, particularly given the recent strengthening of the Egyptian pound against the US dollar. The Egyptian pound has seen a modest appreciation against the US dollar, with the official exchange rate falling below EGP 49 for the first time since late October 2024, nearly nine months ago. Since early 2022, Egypt has faced prolonged economic pressures, including a foreign currency shortage that drove up prices of most goods, particularly food. In response, the government began implementing measures to boost US dollar liquidity in the domestic market, aiming to release goods stockpiled at ports and restore market stability amid soaring inflation. Madbouly instructed the President of the Federation of Egyptian Chambers of Commerce to convene the heads of all commercial chambers and agree on genuine price reductions across a range of goods. Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store