Japan's far-right surge: Sanseito and ‘Japan First' politics in 2025
Why are far-right political parties gaining support in Japan ahead of the July 20 election?
In this extended 17-minute edition of "Japan Today Spotlight" we go inside the rise of Sanseito and the Conservative Party of Japan — and the growing influence of 'Japan First' rhetoric targeting immigrants, tourists and foreign residents.
We break down what these parties actually believe, where their support is coming from, and how discontent over overtourism, immigration and the economy is being turned into political momentum.
From anti-foreigner policies to cult-like political messaging, this is not just another look at fringe politics — it's about how fear spreads, who gets blamed, and what happens when that blame becomes policy.
Do you think enough Japanese voters are aware of what these parties really stand for? Let us know in the comments.
Chapters:
0:00 Intro: Japan's rising far-right
1:21 Sanseito and the 'Japan First' origin story
2:32 Sanseito's election goals
4:38 The Conservative Party of Japan
5:08 Foreigners as scapegoats
6:02 Japan's immigration policy
7:58 Community unease and crime fears
7:58 The real estate debate
7:58 Overtourism and blame politics
7:58 NGOs push back on hate speech
7:58 Will anything change after the election?
9:46 Final thoughts and what you can do
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Kyodo News
23 minutes ago
- Kyodo News
FOCUS: Japan PM Ishiba adopts hardline rhetoric as polls threaten his job
TOKYO - Among the many slogans used by politicians to rally support ahead of Sunday's parliamentary election, "Do not underestimate us" and "Japanese First" perhaps best capture the predicament facing Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba. Ishiba, who heads the Liberal Democratic Party, has intensified his rhetoric on issues appealing to conservatives, a core LDP base, as media polls suggest the ruling coalition may lose its majority in the House of Councillors, potentially jeopardizing his premiership. "This is the toughest election yet," Ishiba told supporters during a stump speech as the 17-day campaign neared its end. "I bow my head and ask for your support." The election is crucial for Ishiba, who has led a minority government since the ruling camp lost control of the more powerful House of Representatives last October. He has struggled to regain public support, lacking any standout achievements. After U.S. President Donald Trump announced a 25 percent tariff on Japanese goods from Aug. 1, Ishiba said in a speech on July 9, "Do not underestimate us. Even if it is an ally that we are negotiating with, we must say what needs to be said without hesitation." The unusually strong language was widely seen as an effort to show that Ishiba would not waver in defending Japan's national interests, and it appeared aimed more at reassuring domestic voters than sending a message to Washington. Later, he emphasized the necessity of revising Japan's pacifist Constitution, a long-held goal of the LDP, although prospects for realizing the country's first-ever amendment might dim if the party loses seats in the 248-member upper house. Any proposed revision must be approved by a two-thirds majority in both houses before it can be put to a national referendum. Ishiba's changing tone comes as other parties -- particularly the minor populist Sanseito party, which has been gaining popularity among younger voters through social media -- are viewed as increasingly siphoning off conservative support. Sanseito's nationalistic agenda -- notably its hardline stance on foreigners under the slogan "Japanese First" -- is resonating with voters frustrated with the LDP, analysts say. Its leader, Sohei Kamiya, is a former LDP member. The LDP and its junior partner Komeito party are not assured of retaining a majority in the upper house, according to a recent Kyodo News poll. With 125 seats being contested, the ruling coalition must win at least 50 to cross the majority threshold in the chamber. A government official said, "Would it be feasible for the LDP to win back support in the coming days? Given the situation, it's a difficult scenario to imagine." With the winds apparently blowing in their favor, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan, the main opposition force, and the Democratic Party for the People are scrambling to highlight their differences with the ruling bloc. The opposition camp is broadly calling for a reduction or abolition of the politically sensitive consumption tax to ease the pain of inflation, in stark contrast with Ishiba's cautious stance that has seen him pledge to provide cash handouts to the public. "Let's bring an end to an LDP that does not even try to side with ordinary people in the first place," CDPJ leader Yoshihiko Noda said, reminding voters of a remark by Yosuke Tsuruho, a senior LDP member, who described a 2024 earthquake in central Japan as "fortunate." Noda, who served as Japan's prime minister for around one year through 2012 when the LDP was out of power and approved a consumption tax hike to finance social security, also said, "What we need is not 'Japanese First,' either," in a challenge to Sanseito. In campaign speeches, the ruling bloc typically underscores its accomplishments to bolster expectations for further progress, while opposition parties tend to focus on drawing contrasts with those in power, pundits say. For Ishiba, however, the strategy may be a double-edged sword. As leader of a minority government for less than a year, he has been forced to accept opposition demands to ensure smooth parliamentary debate and the passage of state budgets and important bills. His push to establish a disaster prevention agency for a nation prone to earthquakes and typhoons has been overshadowed by Tsuruho's gaffe, which triggered backlash from residents in areas affected by the Noto earthquake that killed over 600 people. In the final stretch of the campaign, Ishiba is zeroing in on conservative voters to boost the ruling coalition's chances, but his success is far from certain. Ishiba "will inevitably have to concentrate more on turning the tide and winning back support" than on talking about his visions, but "there is no guarantee things will go smoothly," said Ken Kinoshita, an associate professor at the Fukuoka Institute of Technology. Kinoshita, an expert on political communication, is examining how the growing use of social media will influence the election, as short videos featuring attention-grabbing phrases from candidate speeches continue to circulate online. "Social media posts with short and clear-cut messages, and sometimes extreme claims, are prevalent online. This appears to be accelerating polarization, meaning the shift among voters -- either to the right or the left -- is becoming more pronounced, which may not bode well for the LDP," he added.
Yomiuri Shimbun
23 minutes ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Depopulation Complicates Japan's Rice Policy; Needs of Farmers, Consumers Have Diverged Over Years
The 'Rice Crisis of the Reiwa Era' is shaking Japanese society to its core due to skyrocketing rice prices. With the House of Councillors election scheduled for July 20, rice policy has become one of the main issues. Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba has instructed relevant ministers to promote policies that stabilize rice prices and enable producers to increase production with confidence. Shinjiro Koizumi, appointed agriculture, forestry and fisheries minister in May, has been implementing new policies to lower rice prices, including releasing rice reserves through discretionary contracts. The reason for the rice crisis is that rice is not just a staple food for the Japanese people, but a deeply rooted part of their history, society, culture and spirituality. Tadayo Watabe, a former Kyoto University professor who died last year at the age of 100, famously described the Japanese as 'people with a deep desire to eat rice every day.' Rice cultivation in Japan began approximately 3,000 years ago. It was only in the 1960s that Japanese people were able to eat rice daily without worrying about shortages – just about 60 years ago. The importance of rice in Japan is illustrated by a scene in the movie 'Seven Samurai.' Hundreds of years ago, farmers suffering from bandit raids endure a diet of bitter grains so they can save rice to give to the samurai Kambei (Takashi Shimura), whom they ask to defend their village. Resolving to do so, Kambei holds up a bowl of white rice and declares, 'I will not waste your offering of rice.' These words resonate deeply in the Japanese heart, conveying the value of rice and the weight of Kambei's resolve. Eating one's fill of rice is a theme that appears in numerous works, including novels, movies, and period dramas. Rice is not merely a food. During the Edo period, people used rice as a form of currency, and they paid taxes with rice. Even today, rice farming cooperatives and rural communities remain deeply rooted throughout Japan, forming the foundation of Japanese society. Rice paddies are a distinctive feature of Japan's landscape throughout the country. Rice is a food in which the nation is nearly 100% self-sufficient. In trade liberalization negotiations, the Japanese government has consistently designated rice as a 'sacred domain.' However, Japan is now at a critical turning point in its rice policy. Following World War II, the nation's rice policy shifted from addressing rice shortages to addressing rice surpluses, and the production adjustment policy was introduced. This policy effectively led to significant reductions in rice paddy acreage beginning in 1971, thereby suppressing excessive price declines and protecting rice farmers nationwide. The government officially ended the acreage reduction policy in 2018, but to stabilize farmers' livelihoods, it has provided incentives to encourage farmers to shift to other crops, effectively maintaining the policy. Japan produced approximately 14 million tons of rice annually during its peak in the 1960s, but current rice production as a staple food has decreased to around 7 million tons per year. The acreage reduction policy has contributed to the stability of local communities. However, since last summer, rice prices have surged to more than double the level of the previous year, sparking widespread frustration. The government's lack of consideration for the consumer's perspective led to a delayed response. With global warming progressing, the risk of rice crop failures is also increasing. The instability of the international situation has heightened the importance of food security. Continuing the rigid rice production adjustment policy is making it challenging to stabilize rice prices. How should rice policy be reformed? Let's examine the actual conditions of farmers. The production cost of rice decreases as the scale of production increases. In California, a major U.S. rice-producing region, the average farm is about 160 hectares, while in Japan it is 2 hectares. Mountainous regions that cover most of Japan's land area are home to only about 10% of the national population, but these regions account for about 40% of Japan's farmers, farmland and agricultural production value. The mountainous terrain is a barrier to large-scale farming, which makes enhancing international competitiveness a significant challenge. A report by Kimio Inagaki, a fellow at the Mitsubishi Research Institute, attempts a detailed analysis of Japanese farmers. Based on the 2020 agricultural census, there are approximately 1.07 million farming business entities in Japan, with 70% of them cultivating rice. Large-scale farms, defined as those with 20 hectares or more, account for only 3% of the total number of farms, yet they occupy 38% of the farmland. On the other hand, 84% of farmers work on farms of less than 3 hectares, cultivating 30% of the total farmland. This includes the 23% of farmers who work on small-scale farms of less than 0.5 hectares. There are significant disparities in management capabilities among farmers. Inagaki argues for two distinct policy approaches. Small-scale farmers operating in hilly, mountainous areas that are not plains with good conditions for growing rice should be supported from the perspective of social security, while separate policies should be aimed at improving the international competitiveness of rice farming in Japan. The rice production reduction policy has enabled large-scale farmers and small-scale farmers to coexist by maintaining rice prices. The government is reviewing its rice production reduction policy while considering ideas to promote large-scale farming and increased exports, strengthen the production base, and lower prices. If the Japanese government implements this policy, it will be challenging for small-scale farmers in mountainous areas to sustain themselves. In that case, how much income compensation should the government provide to farmers to support their businesses? This issue is common to many of the challenges facing Japan, which is experiencing a declining population. The government predicts that Japan's population will decrease from the current 120 million to 87 million by 2070. In a modern capitalist society, Japan is setting a precedent for population decline. People are leaving depopulated areas in droves, making it difficult to maintain infrastructure such as roads and sewer systems. Railways are having to discontinue the operation of local lines. However, Japan is not adopting policies that would abandon such depopulated areas; instead, it is striving to maintain them as much as possible. Due to the Japanese national character, which favors inclusive policies, there is resistance to implementing harsh policies that abandon rural areas. People throughout Japan believe that rice is an integral part of their daily lives. Rural regions have rich natural landscapes and a tradition of strong local communities. Agriculture is also facing challenges related to a declining birthrate and an aging population. The number of people whose primary occupation is in the agriculture industry has halved over the past 25 years, dropping to about 1.1 million. Their average age is 69. The number is projected to plummet to 300,000 in 20 years. In an era of declining population, how much should Japan as a whole bear the cost of supporting rice production by small-scale farmers in mountainous and rural areas? Ultimately, the question of how much of the current rice production system, including that in mountainous and rural areas, can be maintained is linked to the issues of what to do about Japan's future, considering its declining population. There are no easy answers, but it is a serious issue that everyone needs to consider. Political Pulse appears every Saturday. Akihiro Okada Akihiro Okada is a vice chairman of the editorial board for The Yomiuri Shimbun.
Asahi Shimbun
an hour ago
- Asahi Shimbun
INTERVIEW/ Kaoru Hasuike: In his new book, abductee comes clean on life in North Korea
Kaoru Hasuike in Kashiwazaki, Niigata Prefecture, in May. He is one of the five Japanese citizens that North Korea released after abducting them in 1978. (Ryuichi Kitano) Kaoru Hasuike is finally fully opening up about his long ordeal after being abducted by North Korean agents in 1978, including a plan to train Japanese abductees as secret operatives. Hasuike returned home to Japan in 2002, around a quarter-century after he was snatched from his native city in Niigata Prefecture facing the Japan Sea. Since his return, he has published several books on his experiences in North Korea, but had rarely touched on sensitive topics. His most recent book, 'Nihonjin Rachi' (The abductions of Japanese citizens), published in May by Iwanami Shoten, Publishers, differs from his other books, offering detailed descriptions of the North Korean organization running covert operations as well as the status of Japanese victims in the reclusive country. In an interview with The Asahi Shimbun in May, Hasuike, 67, said he felt compelled to speak up publicly to break the long impasse, seeing the little progress made toward resolving the issue over the past 23 years. The whereabouts of at least 12 other abductees identified by the Japanese government have yet to be ascertained. Hasuike is keenly aware that time is running out as parents of the abductees who had waged a tireless campaign to get their loved ones returned have passed away in succession in recent years. He hopes that his book and sharing the complete story publicly will help mobilize public support for the long-overdue resolution of the prickly issue. Excerpts from the interview follow. *** Question: You were abducted by North Korean agents on July 31, 1978, when you were on a date with your future wife, Yukiko Okudo, on the beach in Kashiwazaki, Niigata Prefecture. In your new book, you recount your life in North Korea in great detail. Hasuike: The Workers' Party of Korea's External Investigations and Intelligence Department is the culprit behind the abductions scheme. Shortly after we were taken to North Korea, Kang Hae Ryong, a close aide to Kim Jong Il and the deputy head of the department, appeared before us. Kang said, 'Our nation is a great nation. You can become an outstanding revolutionary by learning various things' from North Korea. Choe Sun Chol, who was placed on the international wanted list by Japanese police as the perpetrator of the abductions, said, 'Why don't you go back to Japan and do a big thing after attaining a high position in this country? You can learn in North Korea how to do that.' Q: What do a 'great revolutionary' and a 'big thing' mean? A: I presume that they intended to train the abductees to be secret agents. We were made to study the Korean language first. I was paired with Yasushi Chimura, who is now 70 and who was abducted around the same time as I was. We underwent ideological education in which we were demanded to pledge loyalty to North Korea and instilled in us a sense of guilt over Japan's colonization of the Korean Peninsula. On special occasions like the birthdays of Kim Il Sung, who is revered as the founding father of North Korea, and of his son, Jong Il, we had to swear an oath that we 'will sacrifice our lives to fight for the great leader.' The Japanese abductees, grouped into pairs, lived together at a facility in 'the invitation-only zone.' My wife was paired off with Rumiko Masumoto. Megumi Yokota was initially with Hitomi Soga and later with Yaeko Taguchi. I believe that North Korea abducted many young women partly because they had planned to use them as future spies. Q: But the abductees were not turned into operatives, after all. A: We were anxious when we were told we were going to attend what is King Jong Il Political Military University today, an institution for training operatives. But after months, no order came for us to enroll in the university. The plan was eventually aborted. After returning to Japan, I learned about a string of incidents that women abducted from Macao or Lebanon attempted to flee in around 1978 and 1979 when they were sent overseas as North Korea's operatives. These cases, I suspect today, led the North Korean authorities to end the deployment of abductees for covert operations because of the risks involved. Q: Wasn't there a danger that abductees would have been 'disposed' of if they could not serve as operatives? A: It did not happen and the reason for that, I speculate, is that the abductions were carried out at the behest of Jong Il. The organization involved in it would have lost face if its project had been assessed as futile. So, North Korean officials came up with a new assignment for us to justify the abductions, which was to teach Japanese to train North Korean spies. Q: You elaborated on your students in your latest book, including their names and personal characteristics. A: I taught Japanese to 12 individuals from late 1979 to 1989. I had had no prior experience in teaching, but officials demanded an impossible task such as teaching them Japanese so that they could pass as Japanese citizens. I had no choice but to obey. Most of the individuals I taught did not have a strong interest in learning Japanese or lacked language skills. Ten of the 12 were subsequently removed from the front lines of the operations before they became fully involved in clandestine activities. But I was relieved. I had been hoping that my students would play no part in evil operations. Q: Ending the program to teach Japanese was prompted by the 1987 bombing of a Korean Air flight by two North Korean agents, who disguised themselves as Japanese citizens with forged Japanese passports. A: One of the suspects, Kim Hyon Hui, told South Korea's investigators that a Japanese woman named Lee Un Hae, who was abducted by North Korea, tutored her in Japanese. I gathered that Kim was talking about Taguchi, whose Korean name was Ko Hye Oku. Q: Later, you and other Japanese abductees were tasked with translating Japanese newspapers and broadcasts into Korean. A: Yes. It was through a Japanese newspaper article that I learned about the establishment of the Association of Families of Victims Kidnapped by North Korea by Japanese abductees' relatives. Prior to Deputy Prime Minister Shin Kanemaru's visit to Pyongyang in 1990, we were ordered to translate reference materials about Takeda Shingen, a feudal warlord from the 16th century, whom the politician held in great respect. In the summer of 2000, the deputy head of the External Investigations and Intelligence Department instructed me to memorize a fabricated story about how I wound up in North Korea. It was, 'We went out to sea and got lost, but we were rescued by a North Korean vessel.' But after Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's 2002 visit to North Korea was finalized, a North Korean senior official said that I no longer needed to stick to that fictional account. In a sweeping reversal of Pyongyang's official stance, Jong Il admitted North Korea's abductions of Japanese citizens for the first time and apologized during the Sept. 17 summit with Koizumi. Q: What facilitated the change in policy? A: The primary factor behind the shift must be a Japanese woman's testimony in a trial in Tokyo in March 2002. The woman, who was formerly married to a member of a group of perpetrators who defected to North Korea by hijacking a Japan Airlines plane in 1970, testified about her involvement in the abduction of Arimoto in Europe in 1983. The North Korean authorities had vehemently denied the allegation of abducting Japanese as a 'hoax' over the years. That is why I was stunned when Pyongyang did not protest and made an announcement that indirectly admitted to the abductions. North Korea apparently concluded that it had no other option but to come clean so as not to derail diplomatic talks with Japan. Q: Since you, your wife and three other abductees returned 23 years ago, you have privately shared with Japanese government officials and relatives of the victims what you had witnessed and heard about the abductees. But you have chosen not to share this with the public. In an Asahi interview three years ago, you also refused to discuss the issue, citing 'concerns about the safety of the victims and implications for bilateral talks.' A: I knew that I must address the subject publicly someday. Arimoto's father, Akihiro, passed away in February. That makes Sakie, mother of Yokota, the only living parent of abductees identified by the Japanese government as victims. There is nothing I should hold back today as time is running out. I want to appeal to the Japanese public by sharing my and others victims' accounts with hopes of preventing North Korea from repeating the claim that 'the abductions issue has been resolved.' Q: What do you want to emphasize the most? A: Pyongyang's claim that Yokota, Taguchi and six other Japanese are dead is utterly unacceptable, given the absence of evidence and contradictions in its explanations. Some argue that the two countries can enter into negotiations after first normalizing their relations. But even if Tokyo proceeds with normalizing bilateral ties by shelving the abductees issue, Pyongyang would stick to its stance that the issue has been resolved. I fear that such a development could end up effectively abandoning the remaining abductees.
