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[PREMIERING 5PM ET] The Silent War of Cyber, Resources, and Opinion
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Yahoo
3 hours ago
- Yahoo
Trump's Reckless Assault on Remembrance
Americans will encounter the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence in 2026 through four distinct but intertwined forms of remembrance: commemoration, celebration, memory, and history. The four perspectives constantly shift and interconnect, often in surprising ways. Celebration recalls the highest ideals and greatest accomplishments of the nation's story, finding patriotism in common purpose and high ideals. It offers the appeal of parades and fireworks, festivals, and flags. Commemoration, on the other hand, is often solemn, asking for acknowledgment of what has been lost as well as gained, of sacrifice and theft, of forgetfulness and neglect. Memory, for its part, reflects on the ways personal lives interweave with the public events of the past, finding joy and sadness, pride and anger in family, place, and faith. History is dispassionate, built on careful investigation and documentation, on open-mindedness and skepticism. The four kinds of remembrance evoke conflicting emotions. Celebrants can find the sober tones of commemoration out of place, while displays of patriotic celebration can seem hollow and hypocritical to those who seek commemoration. People who identify with valued ancestors can find the clinical analysis of history an affront, while those who value documented history can find in memory a form of wishful thinking. Despite the intrinsic and unavoidable tensions among these different forms of remembering, Americans need each form of engagement with the past. No single approach can provide an understanding of the national past that is both affirming and honest. A vast and diverse democratic nation, with a history of both centuries of enslavement and triumph over global dictators, both the dispossession of a continent and bold struggles for rights by the oppressed, is held together by ideals that must transcend personal identity and yet make personal connection. A democracy must seek both cohesion and truth in its past. That is no simple task. We must expect, and even welcome, a perpetual debate over last half-century has seen the United States navigating this complicated landscape of memory in fraught ways. Scenes of conflict come to mind: football players kneeling during the national anthem, rioters invading the Capitol under flags of professed patriotism, Confederate names removed (and then restored) from military bases, protests in all 50 states in opposition to a president denounced as a would-be king. These scenes of conflict play out within, and often in reaction to, a far more expansive past than the nation has ever before possessed. A fuller American history has emerged over the last six decades in the nation's classrooms, museums, historic sites, and public programs. History museums, historic houses, and historical societies account for about half of all the nation's 35,000 museums in communities across the country. Those sites of memory range from a reconstructed cabin of Davy Crockett's childhood to the Vanderbilt family's Biltmore Estate, from Mark Twain's elegant home to the Eastern State Penitentiary in Philadelphia, from the cabins of the enslaved to the ruins left by ancient nations in the Southwest, from the grand First Americans Museum in Oklahoma City to the gritty Tenement Museum in New York. Small museums present artifacts and stories in a cacophony of vernacular history meaningful to local people, while the Smithsonian Institution displays the vast collections of the nation in professionally orchestrated exhibits. Museums, archives, and libraries of all sizes eagerly share their treasures online for distant visitors. Volunteers do much of the work of preserving and sharing this American past. These citizens repair houses and restore cemeteries that would otherwise be lost to time. Unpaid docents give their time and knowledge to help create intimate and informed visitors' experiences even in Washington's greatest museums. Amateur genealogists share their discoveries with others and welcome discoveries in return. Devotees of classic cars and classic rock music sustain vibrant online and real-world communities, weaving their passions together and into the fabric of history. Veterans' groups recall lost comrades and long-ago victories that helped democracy live. Documented history merges with local memory on historical signs that enliven roads, streets, and parks. The Historical Marker Database records nearly 240,000 markers in places across the United States, the number growing by hundreds every month. The markers embrace an ever-broader and deeper understanding, telling stories long forgotten that deserve to be remembered wherever people might pause. School groups work with historical societies and historians, with state governments and private donors, to connect the landscape with these reminders of the past. The fuller American past would not flourish without Americans who take on the responsibilities of the past as careers. The historians of the National Park Service daily work at the boundaries of celebration and commemoration, on the borders of history and memory. They know that their devotion and years of continual education will not be repaid with high salaries and will sometimes be disrupted or even ended for political purposes. Across the nation at our historical parks, sites, battlefields, and more, interpreters from the NPS explain the complexities of American history to visitors of all political persuasions, without favor or evasion. Park historians work at the birthplace of 'The Star-Spangled Banner' and the Japanese internment camps in California. They interpret ancient archaeological sites and the three locations of the 9/11 attacks. Their work is inspiring and essential. Much of the work that sustains remembrance takes place out of public sight. The National Endowment for the Humanities, founded by Congress in 1965, has sponsored nearly 70,000 projects in every state of the union. The endowment has supported major efforts of national and enduring impact, such as the papers of the Founders and the films of Ken Burns, but much of the funding from the NEH consists of small grants distributed, after rigorous nonpartisan review, through state humanities councils to local museums, schools, nonprofits, and writers. Those funds promote folklore and film, exhibits and enactments, documentary collections and innovative research. All 56 state councils, in red states and blue, have provided their communities with lectures, conferences, and exhibits through support from the NEH. The most important caretakers of American remembrance are the hundreds of thousands of social studies teachers in every community in the nation. Every day, these teachers shoulder great responsibilities as the allies of young people. They explain matters of moral and political complexity to children struggling to comprehend who they are and where they fit in the American story. It is in the nation's classrooms that children come to understand ideals, memories, and historical truths larger than themselves. Networks of cooperation and collaboration unite the teachers of social studies and history, who come together by the thousands at conferences, workshops, and online gatherings to bolster their own intellectual lives and share strategies successful in their own classrooms. Networks of nonprofits help teachers by providing resources to enrich their teaching. Among the most successful has been National History Day, a nonpartisan entity that has for 50 years encouraged students and teachers to study the past 'to inform the present and shape the future.' Students from sixth to twelfth grade integrate historical context, multiple perspectives, historical accuracy, historical significance, and historical argument. The projects start in schools, 'public, private, parochial, charter, or homeschool,' and are improved through revision and additional research. The winning projects compete among 3,000 students, exploring every aspect of American history. National History Day has united teachers and students nationwide in memorable shared efforts to explore the national a result of these and related efforts, more Americans today experience U.S. history in more ways than any generation before. A broader range of people appear as shapers of the nation's story and are represented in more ways. The result has not been a dilution or weakening of patriotism but its strengthening. We are living in what could be, and should be, embraced as a time of unprecedented national self-discovery. Instead, the hard-won gains of the last half-century are now under concentrated attack. With a political agenda framed as a recovery of a lost mythical history, the Trump administration, its political allies in the states, and its promoters in the media relentlessly attack any form of remembrance that does not align with their vision of the nation's past. They have commandeered institutions traditionally held above partisan favor and charged with preserving the nation's most cherished memories: the Library of Congress, the National Archives, and the Smithsonian's National Portrait Gallery. They have issued edicts to the National Park Service to post signs with QR codes inviting visitors to report anything that 'inappropriately disparages Americans past or living' and does not celebrate 'the greatness of the achievements and progress of the American people.' The current regime has launched a systematic effort to make each form of remembrance into what they declare it should be. Its forms of celebration militarize patriotism. Its commemoration devolves into a garden of heroic statues. Its memory intentionally forgets Pride Month. Its history curricula portray American history as a zero-sum game in which the representation of more people must diminish the significance of others, in which frank acknowledgment of wrong destroys young people's love for their nation. The regime narrows history under the guise of rigor and merit, often with disdain for teachers' insights. The assaults on remembrance have weakened the nation's capacity for meaningful engagement with its history as the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence approaches. Just as Americans have begun to explore a shared past far richer and more widely presented than any previous generation has known, remembrance has been damaged with a recklessness few imagined possible. While the great American traditions of volunteerism, local mobilization, and selfless devotion to the public good will sustain remembrance as best they can, institutions of remembrance must be rebuilt on firm and enduring foundations. That will require renewed federal support for national institutions, state-level reform of educational governance to empower teachers and students, and dedication to history and memory that local organizations can best sustain. Philanthropic and civic organizations must step up to promote a fuller remembrance of the nation's past. Future Americans will remember these years as a critical test of whether the nation allowed itself to forget its highest ideals. As we enjoy ceremonies in 2026, we might also recall that celebration without commemoration is vanity, that flattering memory without truthful history is self-delusion. The Declaration of Independence reckoned with wrongs of the past to open the new nation to ideals of equality. We honor that document when we extend and expand its principles, when we remember all the people who have made our country.
Black America Web
3 hours ago
- Black America Web
Trump Moves Obama and Bush Portraits to Hidden White House Hallway
Source: STAN HONDA / Getty The White House isn't just a seat of power—it's a stage for American history and a canvas reflecting the nation's leaders. Once, presidential portraits, including those of President Barack Obama and President George W. Bush, occupied celebrated public spaces where millions could appreciate their legacies. That changed during Donald Trump's presidency, when both portraits were quietly moved to a discreet, staff-only hallway—an act that resonated especially strongly with communities close to both leaders, and provoked a broader conversation about respect, representation, and the power of symbols. Presidential portraits have always carried weight—especially Obama's, as the first Black president and a powerful symbol of breaking barriers for African-Americans and all Americans who value representation. His portrait's removal from the Grand Staircase, a place where history breathes and visitors reflect on leadership, was far more than a simple change in décor. But Obama's wasn't the only portrait to be relocated. George W. Bush's was also moved out of public view—a decision that raised questions, given Bush's notable relationship with the Obamas. Over the years, Presidents Bush and Obama, and their families, have demonstrated deep mutual respect and even genuine friendship at public events—sending a message of unity and civility across the political aisle RELATED STORY: Daughter of George W. Bush Endorses Harris What Michelle Obama Said About Trump's 1st Inauguration Could Be Why She's Skipping His 2nd We care about your data. See our privacy policy. Why was Bush's portrait moved too? One clear factor is that President Bush notably never endorsed or supported Donald Trump, choosing to be a rare Republican voice who, along with the Obamas, represented a vision of leadership distinct from Trump's. Their visible friendship highlighted a different standard for presidential behavior—one grounded in decency and common ground, traits that many saw as starkly contrasting with the Trump years. By relocating the portraits of both Obama and Bush, Trump didn't just alter the visual landscape of the White House; he signaled a sharp departure from the legacy—and alliances—these two men represented. It's impossible to ignore the political tensions influencing these moves. Trump's infamous clashes with Obama and the public 'birther' claims are well known, but Bush, too, had a complicated relationship with Trump, marked by a lack of support and public silence during Trump's campaigns. Moving both men's portraits has been widely interpreted as an attempt to minimize their presence and legacy in the nation's house, especially for visitors. For the African-American community, and Americans who value unity, this act raises real questions: Whose stories do we honor? Whose images deserve to inspire the next generation when they walk the halls of history? For Black Americans, the very presence of Obama's portrait is deeply meaningful—but the message is amplified when paired with Bush's, given their visible friendship and mutual respect. Together, those portraits once reflected a rare and hopeful moment of bipartisanship and inclusion. Removing them is more than a symbolic sidelining; it's a reshaping of the narrative about whose leadership belongs at the forefront. The decision to relocate Obama's and Bush's portraits, in the context of their legacies and their relationship, makes it clear that vigilance is necessary—not just to preserve the legacy of the first Black president, but to protect a more inclusive, honest story of America's leadership. As history continues to unfold, it's up to all of us to insist on a White House—and a nation—that honors the full truth and diversity of its past and present. LIKE US ON FACEBOOK . FOLLOW US ON INSTAGRAM & TWITTER . SUBSCRIBE TO OUR YOUTUBE . STAY INFORMED! CLICK HERE TO SIGN UP FOR OUR NEWSLETTER! HEAD TO THE HOMEPAGE SEE ALSO
USA Today
4 hours ago
- USA Today
Cities hope to attract more police officers by cutting education requirements
Some cities hope that relaxing education hiring standards may solve lingering staffing shortages. Is that a good idea? The Dallas Police Department had been shrinking for years, losing more officers than they hired ‒ and competition for recruits was fierce. Then the hiring woes got even more dire in the fall of 2024, when voters passed a proposition that required the force have at least 4,000 officers, hundreds more than it had even at its peak in 2010. So the department tried a new recruiting strategy: Make it easier to hire by dropping the requirement that applicants have college credits under their belt. Dallas isn't alone. It's among a number cities to relax college education hiring requirements for officers, a yearslong trend that includes Chicago, Memphis, Louisville, and New Orleans. The changes bring the cities back in alignment with much of the nation. More than 80% - of law enforcement agencies only require a high school diploma to be hired, according to a 2017 survey of nearly 1,000 departments nationwide. 'In a perfect world, would you want police officers to be college educated? Absolutely, but this is where policing is now,' said Chuck Wexler, executive director of the Police Executive Research Forum. 'There simply is more demand for police officers - for qualified police officers - than there is a supply.' Research has found there are some benefits to stricter standards: college-educated officers tend to use less force, have fewer complaints against them and write better reports. But some police researchers say these findings aren't definitive and relaxing education requirements can make the job accessible to more Americans amid the rising cost of college. In the weeks since the Dallas police made the change, applications have begun to roll in from people who previously wouldn't have been able to become a police officer, according to Luis Mata, a spokesperson for the department. Recruits must still pass a civil service test, physical exam, background checks as well as psychological and medical evaluations before they can enter the 10-month-long police academy. 'I've been asked this question, 'does education have any sort of bearing on whether somebody is going to be successful through your academy?'' said Mata. 'And I would say that we have people with master's degrees, bachelor's degrees and associate's that fail out of our academy. It's really about applying yourself.' Why are police changing education requirements? Law enforcement officials say they are trying new recruitment strategies like dropping education requirements in part due to nationwide shortages. Federal officials have said law enforcement faced a "historic crisis in recruiting and retaining" officers because of a tight labor market during the pandemic and protests over high profile police killings, though recent data suggests the crisis may be easing. A few locations have reexamined their education requirements in 2025, including: New York: The NYPD announced in February it would lower its education requirement from 60 college credits to 24. The department said in a statement it reached out to thousands of previously ineligible candidates in hopes of amassing 35,000 officers by the fall of 2026. California: After a push to require prospective officers under 25 to get a bachelor's degree, lawmakers are considering new legislation that would require officers have either a bachelor's degree, an associate's degree, a modern policing degree or a professional policing certificate, which requires at least 15 credits that can be partially obtained through police academy coursework. The requirements don't apply to people with at least four years of military service or law enforcement experience from another state. 'I still believe that somebody with a high school diploma should be able to access the occupation because right now, with the recruiting pool, the amount of candidates that we actually have available to us is not as big as it used to be back in the days,' said Brian Marvel, president of the Peace Officers Research Association of California, a federation of associations that represents more than 83,000 officers in the state. Does college education help police officers? Experts have been calling for a better educated police force for decades, including two federal commissions that raised the issue in the 1930s and 1960s. Research has found education may improve officers' interactions with the public. College-educated officers use force less often and have less disciplinary action taken against them than their peers without a degree, a 2007 study published in Criminal Justice and Behavior found. This may be particularly important for officers serving minority communities. College exposes students to people from various backgrounds, allowing them to develop "a greater appreciation and compassion for others," said one 2023 paper on the value of college education for police officers, which was published in the journal Research in Higher Education. College-educated officers have also been found to be better report writers, which 'could translate into better investigations, higher court case filings, fewer evidentiary constitutional challenges, fewer false confessions or wrongful convictions, and/or more successful prosecution,' according to a 2017 report on the role of higher education in policing. "On the whole, more research indicates positive effects than no correlation or negative consequences," the report said. But the evidence that education can make you a better police officer isn't definitive, according to both the study and Eugene A. Paoline III, a professor of criminal justice at the University of Central Florida. "Experience is also something that matters in police behavior and their attitudes," he said. "And we find that the same way that college-educated people might use less force, more experienced people use less force because they find alternate ways to handle situations." Paoline said his research has also found some drawbacks, including that officers with higher education levels are less satisfied with their job. Education requirements also create an additional barrier for certain groups, including those who can't afford college, he said. Though the share of Americans with bachelor's degree has been rising, Hispanic and Black adults were more likely than their White counterparts to say cost is a major reason they didn't complete a four-year degree, according to the Pew Research Center. 'I am a fan of police having a college experience, college degree,' he said. 'At the same time, I'm saying, if you don't have an education requirement, it's not going to be harmful. It's not going to be a total detriment to the field.' Does lowering education standards solve staffing shortages? Several departments have seen a surge in applications after nixing college education requirements, but there are some signs that loosening standards doesn't necessarily solve staffing problems. Both Wexler and Paoline said they couldn't point to examples of a department hiring more people after removing education requirements. In the month after the Philadelphia Police Department dropped its requirement that recruits have at least two years of college credit under their belt in 2016, applications skyrocketed to more than 5,700, up from a high of less than 2,000 in previous years' application drives, according to Captain John Walker. 'I think it just was because people who couldn't apply before … just decided they wanted to be police officers,' said Walker. But Philly police staffing stayed flat in 2016 at 96% and dipped slightly the following year, according to Walker. 'Now we sit at 82% staffing,' Walker said. Applications to the New Orleans Police Department rose after they jettisoned a college education requirement ten years ago, spiking to a high of 7,440 in 2017, according to city data. But the department continued to hire around 100 people each year and far fewer after 2020. Even without the education requirement, recruitment has remained a challenge according to Matthew Stone, of the New Orleans Police and Justice Foundation. 'The general goal is to increase the amount into the top of that funnel, and this is what we were tasked with over the last 10 years, which is marketing the applications,' he said.
