
Stock Today: Capital A Slips At Midday As MAG Eyes Bigger Jet Deal With Airbus
The market's subdued sentiment came as industry attention turned to Malaysia Aviation Group's (MAG) potential aircraft order expansion. According to industry sources, MAG, the parent of Malaysia Airlines, is close to firming up an order for additional Airbus A330neo long-haul jets, with a possible announcement expected during Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's official visit to Paris this week.
While the deal has no direct bearing on Capital A, which operates the low-cost AirAsia fleet, the anticipated order underscores MAG's growth ambitions in full-service long-haul operations, a segment Capital A has also explored in the past through its widebody arm, AirAsia X.
The Airbus development, paired with broader industry moves in aerospace and fleet modernisation, is seen by some investors as a potential reconfiguration moment for Malaysia's aviation landscape. The earlier 2022 agreement between MAG and Airbus included 20 confirmed A330neo orders with options for another 20, which the group is now considering exercising. MAG has also signalled interest in evaluating larger aircraft such as the Airbus A350, Boeing 787 and Boeing 777X.
Capital A continues to focus on digital expansion and its MRO business through Asia Digital Engineering, but investor sentiment has remained cautious amid increased competition and slow financial clarity on the group's transformation.
The counter has been consolidating just below the RM0.90 threshold in recent weeks, with aviation stocks broadly reacting to both global macro headwinds and shifting strategic alignments among key players. Related
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


New Straits Times
an hour ago
- New Straits Times
PM to deliver keynote address at BRICS Business Forum
RIO DE JANEIRO: Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim will deliver the keynote address at the BRICS Business Forum, held in conjunction with the 17th BRICS Leaders' Summit, today at 9am (8pm Malaysian time). Anwar, who has just arrived in Rio de Janeiro, will be joined by Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who also serves as president of the Brazilian National Confederation of Industry, in delivering the keynote. Malaysia is participating in the summit as a BRICS partner country and as the incoming chair of Asean for 2025. The country officially became a BRICS partner on Jan 1 this year. During his visit to Rio de Janeiro, Anwar, who is also finance minister, is scheduled to hold a business meeting with Brazilian multinational aerospace company Embraer. The Prime Minister is accompanied by Transport Minister Anthony Loke; Investment, Trade and Industry Minister Tengku Datuk Seri Zafrul Abdul Aziz; Energy Transition and Water Transformation Deputy Minister, Akmal Nasrullah Mohd Nasir; and senior government and corporate officials. Bilateral trade between Malaysia and Brazil is projected to rise by 14.6 per cent to RM20.35 billion in 2024, up from RM17.43 billion in 2023, maintaining Brazil's position as one of Malaysia's top trading partners in Latin America.


New Straits Times
3 hours ago
- New Straits Times
Anwar arrives in Brazil ahead of BRICS Summit
RIO DE JANEIRO: Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has arrived in Brazil to attend the 17th BRICS Summit of Heads of State and Government, which will be held from July 6 to 7. The special chartered Malaysia Airlines flight carrying him and his delegation landed at the Galeao Air Force Base in Rio de Janeiro at 5.40am local time (4.40pm Malaysian time). Anwar, who flew in from Paris after completing a two-day official visit to France, was welcomed by Malaysia's Acting Head of Mission in Brazil, Datuk Mohammad Ali Selamat, and Brazil's Secretary for the Promotion of Trade, Science, Technology, Innovation and Culture, Laudemar Goncalves de Aguiar Neto. Anwar is scheduled to deliver two country statements during the summit. Ali had previously said that both of Anwar's speeches will reflect Malaysia's commitment to strengthening multilateralism and amplifying the voices and interests of developing nations — in line with the core objectives of BRICS 2025. Meanwhile, during his visit to Rio de Janeiro, Anwar, who also serves as Finance Minister, is scheduled to hold a business meeting with Brazilian multinational aerospace company Embraer. Anwar's delegation includes Transport Minister Anthony Loke, Investment, Trade and Industry Minister Datuk Seri Tengku Zafrul Abdul Aziz, Deputy Minister of Energy Transition and Water Transformation Akmal Nasrullah Mohd Nasir, as well as senior government officials and representatives of Malaysian companies. Bilateral trade between Malaysia and Brazil rose by 14.6 per cent to RM20.35 billion (US$4.38 billion) in 2024, up from RM17.43 billion the previous year, maintaining Brazil as one of Malaysia's key trading partners in Latin America. Malaysia's exports to Brazil include electrical and electronic (E&E) products, rubber products, petroleum products, chemicals and chemical products, and palm oil-based manufactured goods. Imports from the South American nation include metal ores and scrap, meat, coffee, and crude petroleum.


Borneo Post
3 hours ago
- Borneo Post
Ambalat: A Sabahan paradox of progress and perceived betrayal
Ambulat dispute area. As a Sabahan, I find myself in a perplexing bind, wrestling with two powerful, often contradictory, narratives surrounding the recent joint development agreement (JDA) between Malaysia and Indonesia over the disputed Ambalat Block in the Celebes Sea. Is it a pragmatic step towards economic prosperity and regional stability, or is it another stark reminder of persistent federal overreach and the marginalization of Sabah's rights under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63)? Must I simply reconcile the potential benefits with the profound concerns about our sovereignty? The Enduring Ambalat Enigma-For decades, the Ambalat block has been a lingering flashpoint between our two nations. Located southeast of Sabah and east of North Kalimantan, this maritime area, which Malaysia refers to as Blocks ND6 and ND7, is claimed by both. It's a prize worth fighting for, with estimates suggesting between 62 million and 764 million barrels of oil and up to 1.4 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. Tensions escalated after Malaysia's 1969 and 1979 continental shelf maps clashed with Indonesia's post-2002 maritime claims, which were drawn following the ICJ's award of Sipadan and Ligitan to Malaysia. This promise of underwater energy wealth has only deepened national pride and periodically fueled military posturing. Championed by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and President Prabowo Subianto, the JDA marks a significant departure from this long-standing stalemate. Proponents laud it as a triumph of pragmatic statecraft, acknowledging that a definitive legal resolution would be both distant and costly. Joint development agreements are well-established tools in international law, allowing for resource exploitation in disputed zones without prejudicing ultimate sovereignty claims. This approach prioritizes unlocking economic potential — tapping into the Block's believed oil and gas reserves — while maintaining crucial diplomatic channels for the boundary dispute itself. For Sabah, geographically central to this whole affair, the vision is certainly tempting. Proponents paint a picture of tangible benefits: significant revenue streams, job creation in exploration and supporting industries, economic diversification beyond our traditional mainstays of palm oil and tourism and enhanced regional stability by reducing security risks for our maritime communities. Even technology transfer and expertise sharing are seen as valuable spillovers. The optimistic view insists that Sabah's sovereignty and rights aren't being surrendered but actively maintained through our involvement in ongoing negotiations. We're assured that the JDA 'strengthens Sabah's role in regional economic development' and reinforces our status as an 'equal partner.' This is often linked to the administration's stated commitment to MA63, framing the agreement as a tangible demonstration of respecting Sabah's interests. Principles like resource ownership, decision-making autonomy, and protection of rights are invoked, with claims that Sabah's transparent involvement will ensure equitable sharing of economic benefits and move away from federal-centric approaches. Despite these assurances, a powerful counter-narrative resonates deeply within Sabah, fueled by the perceived and reported reality of exclusion from the JDA's formative stages. Critics argue that the handling of Ambalat epitomizes a systemic failure to honour MA63. Their core concerns are multifaceted and deeply felt. Firstly, there's the breach of MA63's spirit and substance. The Ambalat Block lies directly off Sabah's coast, intimately tied to our territorial waters, Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), resources and security. Negotiating and announcing the JDA without formal, substantial and transparent involvement of the Sabah State Government is seen as a direct violation of MA63's guarantees of 'equal partnership' and consultation on matters affecting Sabah's rights and borders. This isn't just a procedural lapse; it's perceived as a fundamental political and moral failing, eroding the very foundation of Sabah's inclusion in Malaysia. Secondly, there's a profound disregard for Sabah's unique stakes. Sabah possesses deep historical, cultural and legal ties to the maritime zone surrounding Ambalat. Excluding the state government risks ignoring critical local knowledge and context regarding our fishing grounds, indigenous communities' interests, environmental concerns, and specific security challenges. This exclusion, critics warn, sets a dangerous precedent, suggesting the federal government feels empowered to unilaterally dispose of Sabah's maritime domain and resources. Finally, there is a growing perception of 'diplomatic success' as a poisoned chalice — an agreement that may seem like a peaceful resolution but ultimately risks undermining a nation's long-term territorial claims, attracting domestic criticism, or weakening future negotiating leverage. While the resolution with Indonesia may be celebrated in Putrajaya and Jakarta as a diplomatic breakthrough, the opaque and exclusive nature of the process has bred deep distrust and resentment in Sabah. It reinforces the view of a 'Malaya-centric' approach, where decisions impacting Borneo are made unilaterally in the West, paying lip service to partnership while perpetuating a paternalistic mindset. Regardless of its potential benefits, the outcome is overshadowed by a flawed and exclusionary process. The Ambalat JDA thus presents a paradox. It holds genuine potential for significant economic and security benefits for Sabah and the region, representing a mature shift towards cooperative dispute resolution. Yet, its genesis and announcement have starkly highlighted the enduring gap between the promise of MA63 and the practice of federal-state relations. The critical perspective underlines a non-negotiable demand: institutionalizing Sabah's participation. Token consultation is insufficient. Formal, structured mechanisms are urgently needed to ensure Sabah (and Sarawak) have meaningful representation in all national-level negotiations and decisions impacting their borders, sovereignty, resources, and rights derived from MA63. This includes: · Mandatory State Representation: Formal roles for Sabah government officials in negotiating teams for relevant international agreements. · Transparent Information Sharing: Full disclosure of negotiation terms, impact assessments, and potential risks/benefits to the state government throughout the process. · Mechanisms for Consent: Clearly defined processes where Sabah's legislative assembly or government must provide consent for agreements directly affecting its territory or MA63 rights. The Ambalat JDA stands at a crossroads. It can either become a catalyst for Sabah's economic advancement and a model for regional cooperation, or it can deepen the wounds of historical marginalization and erode trust in the federation. The crucial factor lies not solely in the agreement's technical or economic merits, but in how the federal government addresses the legitimate grievances raised. The potential benefits of the Joint Development Agreement — economic growth, regional stability, and resource development — are both undeniable and highly desirable for Sabah. However, these gains cannot be sustainably realized or genuinely embraced by Sabahans if they come through a process that appears to disregard their sovereignty and constitutional rights. The bitter aftertaste of exclusion must give way to the authentic flavor of partnership. For the Ambalat agreement to truly deliver on its promise for Sabah — and for national unity to be meaningfully strengthened — Putrajaya must go beyond rhetoric and give real effect to the spirit of MA63. This requires consistent, transparent and institutional respect for Sabah's rightful role in shaping its future, beginning with its maritime boundaries and natural resources. Only then can opportunity genuinely triumph over grievance.