Putin Briefs Leaders of China and India on Talks With U.S. on Ukraine
Mr. Putin has stepped up the pace of his public diplomacy since meeting Mr. Trump's envoy Steve Witkoff in Moscow on Wednesday. That meeting led the White House and the Kremlin to announce separately that Mr. Trump and Mr. Putin could meet to discuss ending the war in Ukraine as soon as next week.
Ahead of the expected meeting, Mr. Putin appears to be shoring up support for his war strategy among global or regional powers that have either sided with Russia or remained neutral in the conflict. Mr. Putin spoke by telephone on Friday with President Xi Jinping of China and Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India, but neither Moscow nor Beijing disclosed the substance of their talks beyond offering vague promises to deepen cooperation.
On Thursday, Mr. Putin met an Indian national security official in Moscow and spoke by telephone with President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa. In that period, Mr. Putin also spoke by telephone or in person with the leaders of Belarus, Kazakhstan, the United Arab Emirates and Uzbekistan.
China, India, Russia and South Africa, as well as Brazil, are the major members of the BRICS, a group of 10 developing nations. Those countries, apart from Russia, which already faces comprehensive American sanctions over the war in Ukraine, have seen their trade conditions with the United States worsen significantly since Mr. Trump returned to office in January.
In most cases, Mr. Trump has framed higher tariffs on these nations as punishments for domestic policies, real or imagined, that he did not like. He has criticized South Africa as mistreating its white minority; called on Brazil to stop prosecuting former President Jair Bolsonaro, who is accused of planning to overthrow the government; and threatened to double tariffs on India for buying Russian oil.
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Leader-to-leader calls were particularly valuable in helping countries make their case directly to Trump. 'From my perspective, the best way to lobby President Trump is for the leader to face-to-face lobby him,' Tami Overby, a partner at DGA Group Government who focuses on trade in South Korea. 'It seems President Trump, he always talks about his relationships with other leaders. You know, whether we're in a good spot with that country or not [depending] if he feels like he's got a good relationship. And he sees himself as a deal maker.' Many of the firms enlisted to represent foreign governments before the Trump administration are mainstays of the D.C. lobbying scene, and plenty of countries already had veteran trade lobbyists or lobbyists with ties to Trump on their payrolls before the election. 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Ballard Partners, the previous home to Wiles and Attorney General Pam Bondi, helped broker a phone call between Trump and Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba the day after the election, according to documents filed with DOJ under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. Another Trump-linked lobbying firm, BGR Group, has signed six new foreign governments since Trump's win last year. It previously employed Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy and is home to Trump adviser David Urban. Some of its foreign clients, like Angola and South Korea, saw their tariff rates drop between April and August. But the firm also lobbies for the Indian government, which paid BGR $300,000 from December through May, though much of that work was related to flaring tensions with Pakistan. Several Southeast Asian economies that have hired help in Washington fared better, with many of them receiving lower rates compared to the initial duties unveiled in April. Their wins were relative, though: The countries' tariff rates are higher than before, and broadly higher than much of the world. In other words, lobbyists might have succeeded in helping their clients avoid the worst case, but the outcomes could hardly be considered triumphs. Countries hired U.S.-based lobbying firms to strengthen ties with the Trump administration, and worked with business groups with ties to lower-level Trump administration officials across the Departments of Commerce and Treasury. Cambodia and Indonesia had their tariff cut to 19 percent, substantially lower compared to rates initially outlined by the president in April. DOJ filings show that Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld reached out to U.S. Trade Representative's Office chief of staff Sam Mulopulos on behalf of the Cambodian government on the same day that Trump announced his so-called reciprocal tariffs. The firm sent Mulopulos multiple follow-up texts over the next few months to coordinate meetings with Cambodia's negotiators and check for updates on the status of tariff negotiations, and organized meetings on the Hill with lawmakers including Rep. Adrian Smith (R-Neb.), according to the filings. In the end, Cambodia saw one of the largest tariff rate declines of any country between April and May, dropping from a threatened 49 percent duty. The Trump administration for its part has portrayed the countries with the most significant declines as cooperative partners that were willing to make the greatest concessions to the president's terms. One former diplomat who worked with governments across Southeast Asia said representatives from Vietnam arranged more than two dozen meetings with government officials, which ramped up days after Trump outlined his April rates. The country secured a modest win as its tariff rate was cut from 46 to 20 percent — though the final figure remains higher than what Vietnam officials say was originally agreed to. One Asian diplomat credited lobbying efforts by countries in the region with helping shift the Trump administration away from its original trade strategy, which aimed to pull regional economies out of China's orbit and prioritize crackdowns on Chinese transshipment and other enforcement measures. 'Some countries need the access that lobbyists can give and an intermediary for backdoor and informal talks,' they said. A number of countries turned to first-time foreign lobbyists who are cashing in on their ties to Trump or his circle. The Pakistani government brought on seven new lobbying firms this year, including Trump's former bodyman Keith Schiller and George Sorial, the Trump Organization's former compliance chief. Neither of them had ever registered as foreign agents before, but Pakistan agreed to pay their firm $50,000 per month, according to a copy of the contract filed with DOJ. Islamabad managed to have its 'reciprocal' tariff rate lowered from 29 percent to 19 percent — a contrast to Pakistan's rival next door, India. Among the foreign governments that signed Continental Strategy this spring were Guyana — which is paying the firm $50,000 per month and saw its tariff rate plunge from 38 percent in April to 15 percent in August — and Japan, which is paying the firm $37,500, DOJ filings show. Continental Strategy is led by Carlos Trujillo, a diplomat who served in Trump's first administration, and Alberto Martinez, a top former aide to Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Some countries and industries that have been successful in swaying Trump have later had those advantages neutralized. The 'Big Three' American auto companies — Ford, General Motors and Stellantis — helped convince the administration to create a rebate program, aiding auto producers that rely on the North American supply chain. But as Trump set about crafting trade deals, that advantage was quickly neutralized. Japan, South Korea and the European Union — all trading partners with large auto industries — were able to secure a 15 percent tariff on cars and car parts, undermining the efforts of U.S. automakers to build domestically. Even after this week's tariff implementation kickoff, countries and lobbyists are still holding out hope that they can win exceptions or other helpful provisions. That possibility is sure to keep business booming on K Street, despite its lackluster performance. 'A lot of clients are like, 'Well, is it done? Can we still get our thing in there?'' the Republican lobbyist noted. 'The framework is there, but there's still a lot of blank spaces, and that's where we're seeing a lot of activity.
