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India's Fighter Jet Crunch Nears Pakistan's Strength, Eyes China-Style Fix; Delhi Red Tape Slows Delivery

India's Fighter Jet Crunch Nears Pakistan's Strength, Eyes China-Style Fix; Delhi Red Tape Slows Delivery

India.com3 days ago
New Delhi/Beijing: India is moving steadily in the race for aerial dominance, but the path is tangled in old files and hard decisions. Across the Himalayas, China has already moved far ahead. It is building sixth-generation fighter jets. Its fifth-generation J-20 stealth aircraft is already deployed near India's borders.
On its part, India is now accelerating work on the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA), a fifth-generation stealth fighter being built indigenously. But questions persist inside Delhi's decision rooms. Should India buy America's F-35s or Russia's Su-57s as a stopgap until AMCA is ready? Can India afford to wait while China places advanced jets closer to Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh?
The future of air combat is not what it used to be. Dogfights are being redefined by AI-assisted maneuvers, stealth coatings and sensor fusion. China's sixth-generation aircraft programme is already shaping future strategies, while India still deals with delays.
AMCA might become outdated by the time it rolls out. A proposed AMCA Mk2 aims to match sixth-generation specs, but such leaps are easier drafted than delivered.
China created a balance. It bought fewer jets but built its own steadily.
A Parallel Beginning, Two Different Trajectories
Both India and China began building their air forces in the 1950s. Neither had fighter manufacturing experience. Both looked toward the Soviets and the West for blueprints and engines. India launched the HF-24 Marut project in the 1960s. Designed by the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) with help from German engineer Kurt Tank, it aimed to be India's first supersonic jet. It failed.
The Marut could not break Mach 1.2. It lacked a powerful engine, and talks with Western suppliers broke down. Wars with China in 1962 and Pakistan in 1965 drained resources. The project received limited funding. Eventually, only 147 aircraft were built. The plan was shelved by the early 1980s.
Meanwhile, China took another path. It imported Soviet MiGs but did not stop there. It reverse-engineered them. A copy of the MiG-19, the J-6 became China's early leap. By the mid-1960s, China had started producing over 4,000 units.
India's Long Journey with LCA and HAL Tejas
India's Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) programme began in 1983. It manufactured Tejas. The journey took nearly four decades. The first flight was in 2001. Initial operational clearance came only in 2020. Delays came from design changes, engine dependencies and institutional hurdles.
The HAL lacked full control over components. Indigenous engine development, the Kaveri programme, was initiated in 1986, but still has not delivered an operational engine.
China, in the same period, procured Russian Su-27s and Su-30s. It copied them. The J-11 and J-16 came next, each with advanced avionics, radar and Chinese-made engines.
In 2017, Beijing inducted the J-20, its fifth-generation stealth fighter. It poured billions into engine R&D, failing at first but persisting. India, on the other hand, stayed stuck in paperwork.
The China Factor and India's Crossroads
By now, China is already flight-testing prototypes of sixth-generation fighters. India is still preparing a fifth-gen rollout. Experts warn that by the time AMCA enters service, its adversaries may have moved on. Still, there is hope.
India has begun addressing key gaps. It has opened defence to private players, approved new budget lines and streamlined procurement. But speed remains critical. The R&D cannot be treated as a routine department file. It must be a national mission.
India's choices in the next five years will decide its air power trajectory for the next 30. The skies are still open but not for long.
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The F-35 Fighter jet-Image for representational purpose In a major push towards Atmanirbharta (self-reliance), Defence Minister Rajnath Singh approved the Execution Model for the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) programme recently. As per a report by IANS news agency, the AMCA clearance marks a critical step towards realising India's goal of joining an elite club of nations in designing and producing its own fleet of next-generation combat aircraft. India's answer to fifth-generation air power The AMCA, widely seen as India's answer to fifth-generation air power, will give a major boost to achieving 'atmanirbharata' in the defence sector and will become a hallmark of India's growing defence capabilities. Why India's AMCA will be special? Being the fifth-generation stealth multirole fighter equipped with cutting-edge technology, it will be suited for all-weather operation. Designed with low radar cross-section and supercruise capability, the AMCA is seen as the successor to the frontline Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets. (With inputs from agencies)

F-35, Su-57 Or AMCA: Which Fifth-Generation Fighter Aircraft Will Help India Fly Higher & Better?
F-35, Su-57 Or AMCA: Which Fifth-Generation Fighter Aircraft Will Help India Fly Higher & Better?

News18

time4 hours ago

  • News18

F-35, Su-57 Or AMCA: Which Fifth-Generation Fighter Aircraft Will Help India Fly Higher & Better?

The Indian Air Force currently operates a variety of fighter jets, including the Russian-origin Su-30MKI, French Rafale, indigenous Tejas, Mirage 2000, and Jaguar India's need for a fifth-generation fighter aircraft has sparked ongoing speculation for several months as the nation weighs its options amid a complex geopolitical landscape. With its indigenous Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) still years away from operational readiness, expectations are turning toward potential acquisitions from foreign manufacturers. Only two viable contenders are practically available: the American F-35 Lightning II and Russia's Su-57 Felon. Yet, despite the buzz, neither the Indian government nor defence analysts have signalled a clear preference, leaving the future of this critical procurement uncertain. Given recent developments in trade between India and the US, reports suggest India has conveyed decision on the F-35 to the US. However, Minister of State for External Affairs, Kirti Vardhan Singh, recently clarified in Parliament that 'no formal discussions have been held as yet on this issue" concerning the F-35. He referred to the India-US Joint Statement from February 2025, following Prime Minister Narendra Modi's meeting with President Trump, in which the US agreed to 'undertake a review of its policy on releasing fifth-generation fighters (such as the F-35) and undersea systems to India." However, this was only a policy review, and no proposal or negotiation has been initiated between the two nations. The offer from the United States to potentially supply F-35 fifth-generation stealth fighters has been a headline-grabbing development since its inception, but an analysis of India's defence ecosystem, technical realities, and indigenous ambitions shows why this deal is unlikely to materialize soon. Speaking on the current scenario, Dinakar Peri, Fellow, Security Studies at Carnegie India says, 'While the lack of a fifth generation fighter jet is going to be a glaring gap in the IAF for the near term, the choice of importing a FGFA in small numbers is a hard one to make. The indigenous AMCA is just taking off in development terms and is about a decade away. Another interim buy may take resources and time away from the crucial programme." Why Not F35? The Indian Air Force currently operates a variety of fighter jets, including the Russian-origin Su-30MKI, French Rafale, indigenous Tejas, Mirage 2000, and Jaguar. Over the past few years, India has created an ecosystem supporting these fighters, with advantages in desired integration, interoperability, availability of expert crew, and maintenance facilities. 'When selecting an aircraft, it's not just about acquiring a platform that can fly. 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While development is progressing rapidly, the prototype is not expected before 2027-28. DRDO officials have indicated that the aircraft's induction will likely occur no earlier than 2036. This timeline exacerbates the existing shortage of fighter jets in the Indian Air Force. Consequently, experts suggest inducting 4th Generation Plus (4Gen+) aircraft to bridge the gap until the AMCA is operational. top videos View all Dinkar Peri, talking on the way out, says 'The real crisis in the IAF today is shortage of fighters, 4th gen plus, and the numbers are set to go down further. The primary focus should be on ramping up the LCA production and the MRFA that are meant to address this." Indian Air Force currently operates 30-31 squadrons against a sanctioned strength of 42.5 squadrons. While there were expectations that the LCA Mk1A and Mk2 would help bridge this gap, delays in their delivery have hindered progress. With adversaries like China and Pakistan accelerating their aircraft production and inductions, the geopolitical scenario pushes the urgency to address this shortfall which experts believe is very important to focus on. About the Author Akash Sharma Akash Sharma, Defence Correspondent, CNN-News 18, covers the Ministry of Defence and Ministry of Railways. In addition, he also follows developments in the national capital. With an extensive experience More Get breaking news, in-depth analysis, and expert perspectives on everything from politics to crime and society. Stay informed with the latest India news only on News18. Download the News18 App to stay updated! tags : fighter jets India Air Force news18 specials view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: August 03, 2025, 15:53 IST News india F-35, Su-57 Or AMCA: Which Fifth-Generation Fighter Aircraft Will Help India Fly Higher & Better? Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.

P Chidambaram writes: Military boldness, political timidity
P Chidambaram writes: Military boldness, political timidity

Indian Express

time13 hours ago

  • Indian Express

P Chidambaram writes: Military boldness, political timidity

During the debate in both Houses of Parliament last week, the government gave the impression that Operation Sindoor had been finally paused, the goals had been achieved, and it is back to the usual way of doing things. That would be wrong. The truth is, the military was playing a tough game when the civilian government forcibly snatched the ball. Operation Sindoor has busted some myths: that fighting a war against Pakistan will be easy, that India's superiority in conventional war will prevail, and that India has friends and Pakistan none. The military leadership was exemplary. Apparently, they asked for and got operational freedom. The Indian armed forces' first-mover advantage gave them early wins: 9 places that hosted terrorist infrastructure were demolished and several terrorists were killed. However, Pakistan's armed forces quickly recovered. They counter-attacked on May 7-8 using China-made aircraft (J-10), China-made missiles (PL-15) and drones acquired from Türkiye. Realising that 'tactical mistakes' had been made, the military leadership paused the operation and 're-strategised'. That is leadership. It re-launched the Operation on May 9-10, struck at 11 military airbases and severely damaged them. Inevitably, the Indian armed forces suffered some 'losses', and the Chief of Defence Staff and the Deputy Chief of Army Staff admitted the losses. That too is leadership. Contrast the political leadership. It will not admit the mistakes or the losses. Like an ostrich whose head is buried in the sand, it maintains that India scored a 'decisive victory' in Operation Sindoor. If there was a decisive victory, why did India not press its advantage, secure more military gains, and demand and obtain from Pakistan political concessions? Why was the first outreach by the DGMO, Pakistan accepted immediately and without conditions? There were no answers from the government. [A celebrated example of a decisive victory was the surrender of Pakistan's General Niazi to India's Lt General Aurora on December 16, 1971.] Nor will the political leadership acknowledge the reality: Pakistan and China have forged strong military and political bonds. China is supplying new generation fighter aircraft and missiles to Pakistan. Obviously, China was testing its military hardware in a battlefield in a real war. The military bond is visible. On the political front, China's foreign minister Wang Yi praised Pakistan's 'resolute action on terrorism'. China also voted in favour when IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank approved large amounts of loans to Pakistan. The other reality is that Pakistan's (at least the Pakistan military's) bonds with the United States are firmly in place. President Trump invited General Asim Munir, Pakistan's Army Chief, to lunch at the White House, an unprecedented honour to a person who is not Head of State or Head of Government. Mr Trump thanked General Munir 'for not going into the war and ending the war', and gloated again that he had brought about the ceasefire. The Prime Minister and the Home Minister do not miss an opportunity to rebuke the Opposition but dare not rebut or refute President Trump or President Xi or their foreign ministers. The overwhelming reality is that the US and China are on the same page in their support to Pakistan militarily, politically and economically. Keeping aside their differences, the US and China have decided to support and patronise Pakistan. Worse, every country to which India reached out offered sympathy for the victims of the Pahalgam attack and condemned terrorism but did not condemn Pakistan as the perpetrator. India's political leadership refuses to acknowledge the reality and continues to nurture the false belief that Pakistan is friendless and India has friends all over the world. The other delusion of the Indian political leadership is that the 'terror ecosystem' has been smashed in Jammu & Kashmir. The truth is different. Ministry of Home Affairs disclosed to the all-party meeting on April 24, 2025 (immediately after the Pahalgam attack on April 22) that, between June 2014 and May 2024, there were — Undeniably, there were terrorist incidents and casualties in the governments of A B Vajpayee (1998-2004) and Manmohan Singh (2004-2014) as well. The terror ecosystem is populated by Pakistan-based infiltrators and India-based extremists, especially in Kashmir. Often, they work together, strike together and help each other. On April 26, the government demolished several houses in Kashmir of suspected 'terrorists associated with the Pahalgam massacre' — the owners were obviously India-based. In June 2025, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) arrested two Indians for harbouring the suspected terrorists. The suspected terrorists were neutralised on July 27-28 and identified as infiltrators. India-based terrorists have committed terrorist attacks in the past. For example, Mumbai witnessed terror attacks in 2006 (suburban train bomb blasts), 2008 (Tajmahal Hotel) and 2011 (Zaveri Bazaar). The 2006 incident was committed by India-based terrorists, the 2008 attack was by 10 Pakistani infiltrators including Kasab, and the 2011 incident was by India-based terrorists. The government's claim that the terror ecosystem in India has been dismantled is manifestly wrong. The failure of intelligence and the absence of security forces in Pahalgam led to the tragedy. No one in the government has taken responsibility. The military's gains in Operation Sindoor will have a deterrent effect on Pakistan but the political leadership's timidity before the US and China may cancel the gains and give encouragement to Pakistan.

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