Legal bills show city cost of trying to keep Browns in Cleveland: I-Team
CLEVELAND (WJW) – The FOX 8 I-Team has found the city of Cleveland's fight to keep the Browns on the lakefront is now costing you a lot of money with legal bills soaring.
The Browns plan to move to a dome in Brook Park, and the city of Cleveland is battling in county and federal court.
While Browns fans check the scoreboard, the I-Team checked the bottom line of the legal bills.
We found an outside law firm has already billed the city nearly a half-million dollars.
Last week, the I-Team pressed Mayor Justin Bibb about the skyrocketing cost of the city battling the Browns in court.
Teen boy dies after fall from Green Memorial Day parade float
We had filed a records request for bills from an outside law firm.
Records show the Jones Day firm has filed three bills so far, and each bill was for more than $100,000.
The mayor made headlines last week, telling the I-Team the city has more important priorities than the Browns.
'The legal bills are going (up), so how much longer can the city continue that?' the I-Team asked.
'The residents that I've talked to, as well as the city council president, they want me to fight to keep the Browns in the city. They want me to make sure I use every tool to assure and prevent any economic harm to the city of Cleveland,' Bibb said.
We've reported the city is paying the outside law firm $675 an hour. The records we received show the bottom-line amount billed so far, but not much else. We found most everything else blacked out.
Some season ticketholders want the city to do whatever it takes to force the team to stay in the current stadium.
Both the team and the city have filed legal arguments in federal and county court. The city is basing its arguments on the Modell Law, which restricts sports teams from moving. The next hearing is set to take place in a few weeks.
State leaders still think it's too easy to amend the Ohio Constitution
In weeks, the Browns will also find out if they get state money to help build a dome.
The Browns have said they'll pay back any state money with profits from the project, and they believe it will generate money for all of Northeast Ohio.
Meanwhile, the mayor said he's prepared to keep spending tax dollars to fight the Browns in court.
'Making sure we mitigate economic harm if they leave,' Bibb said.
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
E&E News
34 minutes ago
- E&E News
Trump's coal frenzy clashes with market realities
President Donald Trump's mad dash to unleash more mining and burning of 'beautiful clean coal' across the U.S. is running face-first into unfavorable market realities. The president has vowed to reverse Biden-era policies, rev up U.S. mining, and keep aging coal-fired power plants alive. But hundreds of miners have been laid off in states like West Virginia in recent weeks, prices remain low and a growing number of small, metallurgical coal producers across the U.S. continue to declare bankruptcy. Last week, Core Natural Resources laid off 200 miners in West Virginia at a metallurgical coal mine. The announcement arrived after Coronado Global Resources laid off workers at its coal mine in the state. Miners were also laid off at Alpha Metallurgical Resources' mine in Boone County last year. At the same time, companies like Corsa Coal Corp. and Coking Coal, LLC, have declared bankruptcy, and some say the industry will continue to face turbulence. Advertisement 'I wouldn't be surprised if we see several other producers either go out of the market or … you'll see substantial cutbacks, layoffs,' Randall Atkins, founder of Kentucky-based Ramaco Resources, which mines both coal and rare earths, told POLITICO's E&E News. 'There are plenty of others that are not in good shape. There are more companies out there that are teetering.'
CNN
35 minutes ago
- CNN
Why ‘Good Night, and Good Luck's' 1950s story of media intimidation is eerily relevant in Trump's America
The historical echoes in 'Good Night, and Good Luck' are extraordinary. Some might even say they're eerie. On Saturday at 7pm ET, viewers around the world can see for themselves when CNN televises the blockbuster hit Broadway play starring George Clooney. The play transports viewers back to the 1950s but feels equally relevant in the 2020s with its themes of unrestrained political power, corporate timidity and journalistic integrity. Add 'Good Night, Good Luck' on CNN to your calendar: Apple / Outlook or Google The real-life drama recounted in the play took place at CBS, the same network that is currently being targeted by President Donald Trump. That's one of the reasons why the play's dialogue feels ripped from recent headlines. Clooney plays Edward R. Murrow, the iconic CBS journalist who was once dubbed 'the man who put a spine in broadcasting.' Murrow helmed 'See It Now,' a program that pioneered the new medium of television by telling in-depth stories, incorporating film clips and interviewing newsmakers at a time when other shows simply relayed the headlines. Get Reliable Sources newsletter Sign up here to receive Reliable Sources with Brian Stelter in your inbox. In the early '50s, Murrow and producing partner Fred Friendly were alarmed by what Friendly called in his 1967 memoir the 'problem of blacklisting and guilt by association.' At the time, the country was gripped by Cold War paranoia, some of it stoked by Senator Joseph McCarthy's trumped-up claims about communist infiltration of the government, Hollywood and other sectors. In a later era, McCarthy would have been accused of spreading misinformation and attacking free speech. Murrow and Friendly thought about devoting an episode to the senator and his investigations, but they wanted a dramatic way to illustrate the subject. They found it with Milo Radulovich, an Air Force reserve officer who was fired over his relatives' alleged communist views. Radulovich was a compelling, sympathetic speaker on camera, and Murrow's report on him not only stunned viewers across the country, but it also led the Air Force to reverse course. 'The Radulovich program was television's first attempt to do something about the contagion of fear that had come to be known as McCarthyism,' Friendly recalled. That's where 'Good Night, and Good Luck' begins — with a journalistic triumph that foreshadowed fierce reports about McCarthy's witch hunts and attempted retaliation by the senator and his allies. Clooney first made the project into a movie in 2005. It was adapted for the stage last year and opened on Broadway in March, this time with Clooney playing Murrow instead of Friendly. Both versions recreate Murrow's actual televised monologues and feature McCarthy's real filmed diatribes. 'The line between investigating and persecuting is a very fine one,' Murrow said in a pivotal essay about McCarthy, uttering words that could just as easily apply to Trump's campaign of retribution. A moment later, Murrow accused McCarthy of exploiting people's fears. The same charge is leveled against Trump constantly. 'This is no time for men who oppose Senator McCarthy's methods to keep silent, or for those who approve,' Murrow said, sounding just like the activists who are urging outspoken resistance to Trump's methods. In April, Trump issued an executive order directing the Justice Department to investigate Miles Taylor, a former Trump homeland security official who penned an essay and a book, 'Anonymous,' about the president's recklessness. This week Taylor spoke out about being on Trump's 'blacklist,' using the same language that defined the Red Scare of the '50s and destroyed many careers back then. 'People are afraid,' Taylor said on CNN's 'The Arena with Kasie Hunt.' He warned that staying silent, ducking from the fight, only empowers demagogues. Murrow did not duck. Other journalists had excoriated McCarthy earlier, in print and on the radio, but Murrow met the medium and the moment in 1954, demonstrating the senator's smear tactics and stirring a severe public backlash. Afterward, McCarthy targeted not just Murrow, but also the CBS network and Alcoa, the single corporate sponsor of 'See It Now.' McCarthy threatened to investigate the aluminum maker. 'We're in for a helluva fight,' CBS president William Paley told Murrow. The two men were friends and allies, but only to a point. Paley had to juggle the sponsors, CBS-affiliated stations across the country, and government officials who controlled station licenses. In a Paley biography, 'In All His Glory,' Sally Bedell Smith observed that two key commissioners at the FCC, the federal agency in charge of licensing, were 'friends of McCarthy.' The relationship between Paley and Murrow was ultimately fractured for reasons that are portrayed in the play. Looking back at the Murrow years, historian Theodore White wrote that CBS was 'a huge corporation more vulnerable than most to government pressure and Washington reprisal.' Those exact same words could be written today, as CBS parent Paramount waits for the Trump-era FCC to approve its pending merger with Skydance Media. Billions of dollars are on the line. The merger review process has been made much more complicated by Trump's lawsuit against CBS, in which he baselessly accuses '60 Minutes' of trying to tip the scales of the 2024 election against him. While legal experts have said CBS is well-positioned to defeat the suit, Paramount has sought to strike a settlement deal with Trump instead. Inside '60 Minutes,' 'everyone thinks this lawsuit is an act of extortion, everyone,' a network correspondent told CNN. In a crossover of sorts between the '50s and today, Clooney appeared on '60 Minutes' in March to promote the new play. He invoked the parallels between McCarthyism and the present political climate. 'ABC has just settled a lawsuit with the Trump administration,' Clooney said. 'And CBS News is in the process…' There, Jon Wertheim's narration took over, as the correspondent explained Trump's lawsuit. 'We're seeing this idea of using government to scare or fine or use corporations to make journalists smaller,' Clooney said. He called it a fight 'for the ages.' Trump watched the segment, and he belittled Clooney as a 'second-rate movie 'star'.' On stage, Clooney as Murrow challenges theatergoers to consider the roles and responsibilities of both journalists and corporate bosses. Ann M. Sperber, author of a best-selling biography, 'Murrow: His Life and Times,' found that Murrow was asking himself those very questions at the dawn of the TV age. Murrow, she wrote, sketched out an essay for The Atlantic in early 1949 but never completed it. He wrote notes to himself about 'editorial control' over news, about 'Who decides,' and whether the television business will 'regard news as anything more than a saleable commodity?' Murrow wrote to himself that we 'need to argue this out before patterns become set and we all begin to see pictures of our country and the world that just aren't true.' Seventy-six years later, the arguments are as relevant and necessary today.
CNN
35 minutes ago
- CNN
Why ‘Good Night, and Good Luck's' 1950s story of media intimidation is eerily relevant in Trump's America
The historical echoes in 'Good Night, and Good Luck' are extraordinary. Some might even say they're eerie. On Saturday at 7pm ET, viewers around the world can see for themselves when CNN televises the blockbuster hit Broadway play starring George Clooney. The play transports viewers back to the 1950s but feels equally relevant in the 2020s with its themes of unrestrained political power, corporate timidity and journalistic integrity. Add 'Good Night, Good Luck' on CNN to your calendar: Apple / Outlook or Google The real-life drama recounted in the play took place at CBS, the same network that is currently being targeted by President Donald Trump. That's one of the reasons why the play's dialogue feels ripped from recent headlines. Clooney plays Edward R. Murrow, the iconic CBS journalist who was once dubbed 'the man who put a spine in broadcasting.' Murrow helmed 'See It Now,' a program that pioneered the new medium of television by telling in-depth stories, incorporating film clips and interviewing newsmakers at a time when other shows simply relayed the headlines. Get Reliable Sources newsletter Sign up here to receive Reliable Sources with Brian Stelter in your inbox. In the early '50s, Murrow and producing partner Fred Friendly were alarmed by what Friendly called in his 1967 memoir the 'problem of blacklisting and guilt by association.' At the time, the country was gripped by Cold War paranoia, some of it stoked by Senator Joseph McCarthy's trumped-up claims about communist infiltration of the government, Hollywood and other sectors. In a later era, McCarthy would have been accused of spreading misinformation and attacking free speech. Murrow and Friendly thought about devoting an episode to the senator and his investigations, but they wanted a dramatic way to illustrate the subject. They found it with Milo Radulovich, an Air Force reserve officer who was fired over his relatives' alleged communist views. Radulovich was a compelling, sympathetic speaker on camera, and Murrow's report on him not only stunned viewers across the country, but it also led the Air Force to reverse course. 'The Radulovich program was television's first attempt to do something about the contagion of fear that had come to be known as McCarthyism,' Friendly recalled. That's where 'Good Night, and Good Luck' begins — with a journalistic triumph that foreshadowed fierce reports about McCarthy's witch hunts and attempted retaliation by the senator and his allies. Clooney first made the project into a movie in 2005. It was adapted for the stage last year and opened on Broadway in March, this time with Clooney playing Murrow instead of Friendly. Both versions recreate Murrow's actual televised monologues and feature McCarthy's real filmed diatribes. 'The line between investigating and persecuting is a very fine one,' Murrow said in a pivotal essay about McCarthy, uttering words that could just as easily apply to Trump's campaign of retribution. A moment later, Murrow accused McCarthy of exploiting people's fears. The same charge is leveled against Trump constantly. 'This is no time for men who oppose Senator McCarthy's methods to keep silent, or for those who approve,' Murrow said, sounding just like the activists who are urging outspoken resistance to Trump's methods. In April, Trump issued an executive order directing the Justice Department to investigate Miles Taylor, a former Trump homeland security official who penned an essay and a book, 'Anonymous,' about the president's recklessness. This week Taylor spoke out about being on Trump's 'blacklist,' using the same language that defined the Red Scare of the '50s and destroyed many careers back then. 'People are afraid,' Taylor said on CNN's 'The Arena with Kasie Hunt.' He warned that staying silent, ducking from the fight, only empowers demagogues. Murrow did not duck. Other journalists had excoriated McCarthy earlier, in print and on the radio, but Murrow met the medium and the moment in 1954, demonstrating the senator's smear tactics and stirring a severe public backlash. Afterward, McCarthy targeted not just Murrow, but also the CBS network and Alcoa, the single corporate sponsor of 'See It Now.' McCarthy threatened to investigate the aluminum maker. 'We're in for a helluva fight,' CBS president William Paley told Murrow. The two men were friends and allies, but only to a point. Paley had to juggle the sponsors, CBS-affiliated stations across the country, and government officials who controlled station licenses. In a Paley biography, 'In All His Glory,' Sally Bedell Smith observed that two key commissioners at the FCC, the federal agency in charge of licensing, were 'friends of McCarthy.' The relationship between Paley and Murrow was ultimately fractured for reasons that are portrayed in the play. Looking back at the Murrow years, historian Theodore White wrote that CBS was 'a huge corporation more vulnerable than most to government pressure and Washington reprisal.' Those exact same words could be written today, as CBS parent Paramount waits for the Trump-era FCC to approve its pending merger with Skydance Media. Billions of dollars are on the line. The merger review process has been made much more complicated by Trump's lawsuit against CBS, in which he baselessly accuses '60 Minutes' of trying to tip the scales of the 2024 election against him. While legal experts have said CBS is well-positioned to defeat the suit, Paramount has sought to strike a settlement deal with Trump instead. Inside '60 Minutes,' 'everyone thinks this lawsuit is an act of extortion, everyone,' a network correspondent told CNN. In a crossover of sorts between the '50s and today, Clooney appeared on '60 Minutes' in March to promote the new play. He invoked the parallels between McCarthyism and the present political climate. 'ABC has just settled a lawsuit with the Trump administration,' Clooney said. 'And CBS News is in the process…' There, Jon Wertheim's narration took over, as the correspondent explained Trump's lawsuit. 'We're seeing this idea of using government to scare or fine or use corporations to make journalists smaller,' Clooney said. He called it a fight 'for the ages.' Trump watched the segment, and he belittled Clooney as a 'second-rate movie 'star'.' On stage, Clooney as Murrow challenges theatergoers to consider the roles and responsibilities of both journalists and corporate bosses. Ann M. Sperber, author of a best-selling biography, 'Murrow: His Life and Times,' found that Murrow was asking himself those very questions at the dawn of the TV age. Murrow, she wrote, sketched out an essay for The Atlantic in early 1949 but never completed it. He wrote notes to himself about 'editorial control' over news, about 'Who decides,' and whether the television business will 'regard news as anything more than a saleable commodity?' Murrow wrote to himself that we 'need to argue this out before patterns become set and we all begin to see pictures of our country and the world that just aren't true.' Seventy-six years later, the arguments are as relevant and necessary today.
