
Infrastructure, governance failures limit growth of agriculture and development in rural areas
On 6 August, I had an opportunity to deliver the
Among other things, I emphasised that the rural economy should not be forgotten in South Africa's economic growth agenda, where there tends to be a strong urban bias in policy discussions. The rural areas are still a significant segment of society and the economy, though 68% of the population now lives in urban areas.
Apart from the rural areas' reliance on remittances and social transfer payments, the one outstanding characteristic of the rural economy is its dependence on a few key industries, all of which are typically resource-based, such as agriculture, mining, fishing, tourism and forestry.
With rising unemployment and low economic activity, policymakers are searching for areas of growth and job creation. For many rural areas, agriculture and tourism are the only industries that still have the potential to generate livelihoods and employment.
But, for these industries to perform better, we must address the various infrastructure and governance constraints that have limited the development and growth of agriculture to its potential levels. Indeed, the sector has more than doubled since 1994, but it is not yet at capacity.
We have detailed many growth-constraining issues in our latest joint work with Professor Johann Kirsten,
These include:
Market failures (high transaction costs, remote location);
Government failures (inefficiencies, poor service delivery and corruption);
Community failures (poor local institutions, vested interests of traditional leaders); and
Poor land governance (lack of secure tenure).
These constraints cause many rural communities to be caught in a poverty trap from which they cannot escape. What's worse, rural areas have less access to public services and infrastructure than urban areas due, partly, to the higher per-unit cost of infrastructure investment and service delivery in rural areas.
This extends to 'soft' infrastructure such as healthcare centres as well as 'hard' infrastructure such as road networks, rail, silos, irrigation systems, water and electricity. This leads to low agricultural productivity and poor linkages to markets for farmers.
What should be done differently to address these problems so that economic activity and employment can take off in rural areas?
To an extent, these problems are well understood and were highlighted in
The lack of implementation of agricultural government policy and infrastructure-related constraints comes down to the following reasons:
Weak coordination and misalignment of functions and priorities between different government departments and different spheres of government.
A misallocation of the budget by the national and provincial governments; and
Poor coordination between the government and the private sector has led to a misalignment of transformation programmes, incentives and in some cases, vision.
I won't delve into further details, especially as my book,
This is a challenge that the government and the private sector should address, and refocusing on the
Wandile Sihlobo is the chief economist of the Agricultural Business Chamber of South Africa. You can watch the lecture
. I speak at 1:10:10 minutes.
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Japan went through a process of transforming from a country with a weak agricultural base to the success that it is today. Photo: File The Japanese have a saying: 'Shippai wa seiko no haha.' It translates as 'Failure is the mother of success.' In other words, never give up! Next week, African leaders will assemble in Japan for the 9th Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) — 32 years after its birth. This is therefore a good time to reflect on how the political and economic experience of The most essential lesson Africa can learn from Japan is political, because what Africa needs most today is peace and stability, which can only be achieved in the political realm. It is important to note that, unfortunately, Africa's level of conflict was the Conflict resolution In my judgment, politics in Japan has at least four interrelated dimensions. First, there is the widespread perception that politics is not a zero-sum game. 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First, Japan's Meiji reformers proclaimed in 1868 that 'knowledge shall be sought throughout the world', and absorbed Western skills and adopted Western institutions from as many and diverse sources as possible. The second strategy was what the Japanese economic anthropologist Keiji Maegawa called translative adaptation, the making of foreign products, institutions and ideas more relevant or more useful to local needs. It is worth noting that the Japanese were less concerned about whether what was modified had or did not have a close resemblance to the original. Third, Japan pursued indigenisation, the fuller use of its human and material resources. This process also entailed the use and idealisation of what was indigenous. Japan's modernisers never sought to transform their culture radically. Instead, they successfully indigenised modernity. In each of the above areas, Africa's experience was decidedly different. In general, why does Africa appear to be a less efficient learner? We can refer to a scene from Mazrui's The Africans, the internationally acclaimed documentary, to illustrate this point. Holding in his hand a crude homemade gun that the liberation fighters in East Africa had used in the 1950s, Mazrui says in This issue takes us to another matter Africa has to come to grips with. Technological self-reliance Let us consider Mazrui's comment above in connection with the observation made by the American historian, George Basalla. It was about what happened in the 16th century when Portuguese adventurers brought to Japan two handguns made in Europe. At the time, guns were unknown in Japan. Basalla wrote: 'The Japanese were so impressed by these primitive firearms that they purchased them on the spot and set their swordsmiths to work duplicating them. Within a decade, gunsmiths all over Japan were turning out firearms in quantity.' Far from Japan, the Portuguese also took the same objects, guns, to another place in almost the same period, and introduced them to another group of people in Africa. The new weapon also had a similar practical appeal to the Africans as the Japanese. The idea of making guns spread rapidly in one society (Japan), as indicated above. In the other, however, the idea did not gain any traction. For the succeeding centuries, in the latter, the spear continued to play its traditional role in warfare. The place in question is 16th-century Ethiopia, at the time a Northeast African Christian kingdom in the Northern part of present-day Ethiopia. Even long before Mazrui and Bassalla, the prominent Meiji-era intellectual Yukichi Fukuzawa wrote in 1899: 'It was not until 1853 that a steamship was seen for the first time [in Japan]; it was only in 1855 that we began to study navigation from the Dutch in Nagasaki; by 1860, the science was sufficiently understood to enable us to sail a ship across to the Pacific. This means that about seven years after the first sight of a steamship, after only about five years of practice, the Japanese people made a trans-Pacific crossing without help from foreign experts.' What, then, explains the difference? Why did Africa and Japan react to contacts with the West so differently? The answer to this question is complex, for sure. But it would have also to include the divergence in the way the challenges of modernisation were perceived in the two societies, as urgent and stark in one case and less so in the other. In the case of Meiji Japan, the need to catch up with the West was framed in existential terms — as a matter of survival of the nation. With the persistent threat from the major powers of the time, and with the country open to seeing and interacting with the external world, Japan realised that it was lagging behind these powers in some areas and that it must catch up with them if it was to safeguard its national security. At this crucial moment in history, the belief that national improvement was achievable through determined effort also became widely and firmly accepted in Japan. In Africa's case, the question of catching up with the West, as vital as it was, was never framed in this way, as a matter of 'do or die'. It was probably not a coincidence that Ethiopia, under Emperor Tewodros in the 19th century, should be the only African country to seek Western weapon technology, though unsuccessfully, as it was seen as essential for the country's survival. 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