A Tired Prime Minister, Recycling Cliches and Selling Old Promises

The Wire

14 hours ago

India saw a faded and boring version of Modi seen in 2014. The sprinkles of newness in his speech betrayed desperation, not foresight.
If an alluring rhetoric, cleansed of falsehood and hypocrisy, sounds hollow, the purpose of the orator stands defeated. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's track-record unfortunately sucks the life out of his Independence Day speech, so meticulously adorned with lofty ideals like constitutionalism, unity, impartiality, self-reliance, technological innovation and inclusive growth.
Truth has a nasty habit of springing up through the fragile layers of propaganda and pretence. When the prime minister talks of his intent to purge 'laws that are used to unnecessarily dump citizens into jail', what flits through the mind is 'politics of vendetta', the central theme of oppositional critique of his regime.
The reckless and brazen misuse of central agencies and draconian laws to target political rivals, critics, independent journalists and activists have not only dominated the national discourse but has also been repeatedly flagged up by the judiciary at multiple levels.
People are being framed in false charges, hauled up for harmless tweets and participating in peaceful struggle. In many cases, even court proceedings for bail have been abnormally delayed or disrupted for years.
When the prime minister gives sermons on unity and collectivism, questions about the identity of agents vitiating this noble quest invariably cloud the mind. Modi's own acerbic remarks, his taunts fomenting communal divide, return to haunt even as one tries to let the toxic nonsense of the minions flow down the waters of forgetfulness.
Modi fondly referred to Mahatma Gandhi and said he bowed to the Constitution-makers. But the memories of ceaseless showers of hate deriding Gandhian tolerance and constitutional principles of equality and justice kept churning in the heart. Political discourse can't be disconnected from political action. Ugly campaigns to unearth skeletons from the forgotten past with the sole purpose of tormenting Muslims, coupled with narratives of hate in the media and the hinterland, act as a brazen disapproval of constitutional guarantees.
The boast – that I am not here to criticise previous governments or political opponents – is followed by vicious attacks on his predecessors. To say that the Indus Water Treaty was designed to harm Indian farmers is farcical. And if the Congress government is blamed for helping Pakistan with that treaty, why not give credit to Indira Gandhi while making reference to the Green Revolution?
A mature democracy allows space for partisan politics despite some grace. The prime minister referred to semi-conductor files being stuck for 50 years but avoided lauding Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi for establishing great institutions and organisations in the science, energy and space sectors. He misled the nation even on semi-conductors. While most of the big semiconductor companies were set up before 2014, the Semiconductor Complex was established in Chandigarh in 1983.
Modi went so far as to allege that nobody paid any attention to women's self-help groups. Any acquaintance with history or governance would have discouraged him from making such false claims. Cooperative movement and women's self-help groups were blossoming in the country much before Modi arrived in national politics. ' Kisi ka dhyan bhi nahin gaya,' he boldly said, indicating that he pioneered this movement in India. He said, 'doosre ki lakeer chhoti karne ke liye apni urja nahin kharch karni chahiye. Apni lakeer lambi karni hai.' Ironically, belittling Nehru, Indira and Rajiv Gandhi is his favourite political sport. He has stronger skills in reducing other's ' lakeer ' than any other politician in the country.
Modi looked like a tired prime minister, deficient on achievements, struggling to offer new vision, reframing old clichés and selling failed promises. He was stale and uninspiring. His speech consisted of the same tricks and slogans the nation has heard for over a decade.
How many times have we heard 'Local-for-Vocal'? What institutional and administrative measures have been taken to implement this policy? Can a prime minister lament that India is dependent on other countries even for fertiliser after spending 11 years in office? Why was he wasting time doing puja at temples, flagging off trains, distributing appointment letters and visiting big and small countries? He said if rules have to be changed, come to me. Come to you, after 11 years? What is the fate of Make-in-India? Assembling imported items? And what about demonetisation, which inflicted the greatest damage on the MSMEs?
While the hollow slogan of self-reliance burnt ears, the trade deficit with China jumped from 37 billion dollars in 2014 to over 100 billion dollars in 2024. If self-reliance was this government's focus, why waste time and energy on cow vigilantism, Kanwar Yatra, digging up mosques, love jihad, halal-hijab, CAA-NRC, Waqf Act…etc? A prime minister, obsessed with scientific temper and technological advancement, will not tell the nation that the new consciousness that will take India forward emerged from Ram temple and Kumbh. Modi even took water from the Ganga to neighbouring countries, as if India had nothing better to offer. Did he seek votes in 2024 on his mission of self-reliance and Make-in-India success? Or did he rely on dog-whistle politics through the bogus discourse of ' mangalsutra-mujra' and 'jyada bacha paida karne wale and ghuspaithiya' ?
Old bogeymen, like the ghuspaithiya (infiltrator) narrative, cannot build a new India. Modi stressed on this issue in his speech today, projecting it as a major national challenge. He said there was a sinister conspiracy to change India's demography and snatch jobs from Indian youths. When did this happen? Under his watchful eye since 2014? If this was a problem bequeathed by the inefficient Congress regimes, what did Modi do in the last 11 years? His confidence about playing with people's emotions with these cheap tricks is truly remarkable. His faith in people's gullibility is unshakable. Except black money, which has now become a joke, he dwelt on all the old planks, from the Jan Dhan Yojna to the MUDRA scheme, from aspirational districts to war hysteria.
India saw a faded and boring version of Modi seen in 2014. The old stuff was hawked in old packaging. The sprinkles of newness betrayed desperation, not foresight. The promise to reform GST (Goods & Services Tax) was presented as a huge Diwali bonanza. Even the change in Income Tax laws, which the opposition had been persistently demanding, was presented as reform by the prime minister. It is difficult to guess whether this wisdom dawned in the aftermath of US President Donald Trump's tariff war.
He also talked of the Surdashan Chakra – a protective gear not from poverty, rising economic inequality, price-hike and unemployment, social strife or rising fears about diminishing democracy. The Sudarshan Chakra is aimed at protecting the toiling masses from imaginary external attacks. That's a valid reason to be happy. Didn't the imaginary Rs 15 lakh, which never came into anybody's bank accounts, keep the masses happy for years?
Sanjay K. Jha is a political commentator. This article went live on August fifteenth, two thousand twenty five, at thirty-six minutes past one in the afternoon.
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