logo
Hunt looks a big figure now he's out of office

Hunt looks a big figure now he's out of office

Times22-07-2025
A surprise hit at the Buxton International Festival this year has been Jeremy Hunt. I was among a huge audience for an interview not only about the former chancellor's new book (Can We Be Great Again? — dubbed by one wag Can We Be a Bit Better Again?) but also about his life in politics. Modest, experienced, obviously capable, gently funny and courteous even about Liz Truss, whose economic mess he rescued us from, we may forget that though still quite young, Hunt has been culture secretary and health secretary, as well as foreign secretary and chancellor.
When (he told us) he was on holiday abroad as a backbencher, and Downing Street telephoned to say the embattled Truss wanted to speak urgently to him, he assumed it was a hoax call and hung up. Literally everyone I've spoken to at Buxton who heard him was singing his praises. It made me think. Hunt, Hague, Balls, Osborne, Cameron, Milburn, Sunak, Blair, Major … these seem like big figures now that (as it were) they've gone. Were they really big — or did politics just get small?
Being 75 and no Jeremy Clarkson I was bemused to be invited to drive a Polestar 2 for a fortnight — especially when they said I didn't need to write about it. But what the heck. So, for the record, it was fun. With a range of more than 300 miles I've been driving it all over the place; we already have an EV Fiat 500 which we love; and this latest experience convinces me that EVs are here to stay: solid, quiet, easy to drive, giddying acceleration … having now tried both a small electric runabout and a serene electric family saloon, there's no way now I'll ever go back to petrol engines.
But (and it's a big but) please, please, Polestar, Tesla, all of you EV designers, stop asking us to use a tablet screen for our controls. If we want to play computer games we can do that in a lay-by, not at 70mph in the fast lane. It took both of us about 20 minutes to work out the in-car climate controls.
Away with screens! Buttons, levers, knobs, things you push, pull, slide or twist while keeping your eyes on the road are so much more intuitive. Using smartphones when driving was criminalised for a reason.
My favourite musical experience so far at Buxton has been the 'Shorts' evening: first performances of four 20-minute operas from young composers. And of these my favourite was the last, from Thanda Gumede: Tears Are Not Meant to Stay Inside, sung mostly in Zulu. I could even understand bits of the libretto without the surtitles. This was brilliant: African-influenced classical music, beautifully sung. A young black woman, isolated and lonely in the city, seeks help from what we once called a witchdoctor but now more accurately call a traditional healer who, helped by a bag of bones and relics, connects her with the world of spirits and ancestors. Connecting out, she also connects within, and is liberated. Moved as I was, I disagreed with the moral of the story. I believe that in tribal African cultures the chain of authority, the links between authority and the supernatural, the hierarchy mediating any individual's relations with the supernatural, and the fear, the cursing as well as the blessing that glues the system together, crushes the individual and incubates a collective cringe that goes with the grain of the Big Man politics poisoning Africa. But that's just my opinion; Gumede's opera, and the wonderful voices of Roberta Philip, Danielle Mahailet and Themba Mvula made me think — and, perhaps more important — made us feel.
At Buxton I enjoyed too a work by a young Leonard Bernstein, Trouble in Tahiti, set around 1950. I all but detected an early draft of There's a Place for Us from West Side Story. But a thought on the visual scene. Formica table; two-piece grey suit and tie, short-back-and-sides for the husband; colourful frock for the wife. You could time-travel that scene to 2025 and the dislocation would be noticeable only at the margins. Over what other leap in our history (1875 to 1950? 1815 to 1890?) could you, with so little adjustment, update a scene by three quarters of a century?
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Dozens more countries face higher taxes as Trump tariffs come into force
Dozens more countries face higher taxes as Trump tariffs come into force

The Independent

time9 minutes ago

  • The Independent

Dozens more countries face higher taxes as Trump tariffs come into force

New tariff rates, initiated under US President Donald Trump 's administration, came into effect on Thursday, marking a significant shift in global trade policy. These measures include proposed duties of up to 200 per cent on pharmaceuticals, 100 per cent on computer chips, and 50 per cent on most copper, steel, and aluminium imports. The tariffs announced on 1 August, which apply to 66 countries, Taiwan, and the Falkland Islands, have resulted in billions of dollars in higher costs for companies and increased uncertainty for global exporters. Despite the economic pressures, global financial markets largely took the adjustments in stride, with Asian shares and US futures mostly higher on Thursday. Major trading partners, such as the UK, EU, South Korea, and Japan, have negotiated deals for lower tariff rates to maintain access to the substantial American market.

With its youth clubs idea, Labour might just have won the parent vote
With its youth clubs idea, Labour might just have won the parent vote

The Independent

time9 minutes ago

  • The Independent

With its youth clubs idea, Labour might just have won the parent vote

Did you go to a youth club when you were a kid? I didn't, I was too much of a nerd. It was all brownies, after-school swimming training or sea scouts, for me – plus the 179 bus to Ilford Exchange shopping centre with my friend Roz to hang out over the railings and stare at boys. Youth clubs, going solely by what I'd seen on the telly in the 1990s, were cool, edgy places where people played table-tennis, started pirate radio stations and sometimes got pregnant (that's what happened to Leanne in Byker Grove, anyway). The thing is, I never got the chance to try my hand at going to a local youth club or community centre (or, some would argue, at being cool) because they all promptly disappeared. Thanks to the cuts to local authority funding made by the Tory government between 2010 and 2019, scores of youth clubs were closed. In London, where I grew up, as many as 30 per cent were shut down. And it didn't do us kids any good – in fact, a damning study that looked at the effects of the closures revealed that teenagers whose nearest youth club shut its doors actually went on to do worse in school. The decision to take away such a valuable resource – particularly in deprived areas – had a major part to play in increased rates of offending and worse GCSE results, the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) said at the time. And the kids that suffered the most from the Conservative government's decision to shut them all down (surprise, surprise) were those entitled to free school meals. Yet fast forward 15 or so years and a change of government and the topic of youth clubs is, once again, on the menu: but this time it (shhh, don't jinx it) actually might be positive. That's because the prime minister, flanked by the culture secretary, Lisa Nandy, has unveiled a raft of new plans – and, crucially, money – designed to help kids 'reconnect with their communities' and get them offline. Labour says the £88 million package – £30.5m of which will be channelled into the 'Better Youth Spaces programme', serving organisations in the most deprived areas – will support youth clubs and schools to offer more after-school activities (such as sport, art and music, outdoor activities, debating or volunteering). It will also enable organisations like the Scouts and Guides to deliver more in local communities. And even better is the fact that Keir Starmer and Nandy seem to have already seen off the inevitable snag of how to get teenagers into youth clubs in the first place. Because rather than ploughing the money into 'traditional' community halls – the type with drab posters warning about the dangers of drugs, a sad packet of digestives and a broken basketball hoop – the plans appear to include investment into an area in whichever way the area actually needs it. That means: climbing walls, outdoor sports and music lessons; perhaps even a funded minibus to transport kids from one area to another with more amenities. Labour have clearly got those 16-year-old voters in their sights... and good for them. The plans, which were revealed this week, actually seem to show some real-world understanding of the kind of dilemmas facing teenagers in 2025 (not least: social isolation). We already know that a plethora of young people are suffering from internet addiction and are at risk from malevolent influences like the manosphere and Andrew Tate; we've seen the widespread support – and grief – after the airing of So, when Labour say as part of their proposals that: 'Far from the default being outdoor activities, young people today are spending more and more of their time detached from the real world, either stuck in their bedrooms or behind a screen, throwing up huge challenges for them and their loved ones to overcome' – and pledge as a government to 'take bold action to give young people a better alternative, so they are supported rather than left behind' – as a parent who worries about this kind of stuff constantly, it's really quite refreshing. I would absolutely love my kids to get off screens and go outside to knock a ball around. I would relish them traipsing to a community centre nearby, where I'd know exactly where they were (even if not exactly what they were doing). I want them to have a risk-free space to 'vibe' in or to do whatever they call it in Gen Alpha. And I'd much, much rather that be in a dingy hall run by a youth leader or Akela, rather than the park or shopping centre or at the bottom of a field because someone stupid suggested we go 'cow-tipping', like I did. And crucially, I believe, so would they. There's pretty much nothing online that my children (aged nine and 13) wouldn't drop in a heartbeat if I told them one of their friends was coming round to play IRL, or suggested a day trip to town with someone they liked. Our neighbourhood in London is built on Quaker land, so there is no local shop, no pub, no off-licence within easy walking distance. If there was actually something to do, I doubt I'd ever see them again. But at least I'd know they were safe. I've had a small taste of what these kinds of community resources for kids could look like – my 13-year-old daughter has been taking herself off to a local sports club every Friday night, simply to 'hang out' on the grass enclosure inside the gates with her friends. Not only does she get to walk herself there and home (big tick for teenage independence), but while there, screens are – truly – forgotten. The last time she went and I asked her what she got up to, she said 'we played tag and then chased each other across the grass holding each other's legs, like wheelbarrows'. She also gets to stare at boys, just like I did. Plus ça change, I suppose. The big difference is that if these plans come to fruition, she'll have somewhere to do it, out of harm's way.

What's the best thing world leaders could do now? 'Let go' and 'embrace uncertainty'
What's the best thing world leaders could do now? 'Let go' and 'embrace uncertainty'

The Guardian

time9 minutes ago

  • The Guardian

What's the best thing world leaders could do now? 'Let go' and 'embrace uncertainty'

If there is one thing that has marked the first year of Keir Starmer's premiership, it is a propensity for control – whether it's managing his own party, cracking down on civil liberties and protest, or instilling fear and anxiety in marginalised groups. For a centre-left party, the authoritarian strain Starmer has shown isn't exactly in line with the 'change' from the Tories that was promised. Governments seek to control populations, politicians seek to control their parties: this is nothing new and has been explicitly promoted since Machiavelli's The Prince was published in 1532. When leaders understand holding power as an end in itself, and see the method as controlling those they have power over, they block themselves from being able to bring about real change, because not 'losing control' becomes more important than any change they seek to create. And attempting to tightly control outcomes is ill suited to an increasingly complex and unstable world. At the same time, a different mode of control exists across the institutions that implement government policy. It is rules-based, promoted by steeply hierarchical structures fostering compliance, with rigid frameworks and inflexible mindsets, alongside a culture of overconfidence. These dynamics might seem benign or indeed necessary for a functioning bureaucracy. However, if out of balance, they can stifle the creative thinking and collaboration required to tackle complex challenges. Whether it is running consultations without the intention of deep engagement or listening, or an inability to incorporate the climate crisis into economic frameworks, by seeking to maintain control, institutions fall short of making meaningful change. Or to put it bluntly, key performance indicators and top-down thinking, combined with overzealous control freakery in government, will not have a chance of tackling climate breakdown, the cost of living crisis, the mental health epidemic or the loss of trust in politics. This situation of overlapping crises is what academics like to call a polycrisis, characterised by radical uncertainty and wicked complexity. Coming out of the pandemic, there has been increased discussion among policymakers recognising the need to acknowledge uncertainty. The value of this is clear: a report commissioned by the European Environment Agency and published in 2002 examined more than 100 years of policymaking, highlighting areas where uncertainty was not sufficiently acknowledged or taken into account when key decisions were made, such as during the BSE crisis. The authors concluded that, on many occasions, what was missing was the need for more humility in public policymaking about what was not known, stating: 'Decision-making is faced with the continual prospect of surprise. This is the condition formerly known as ignorance.' When institutions don't acknowledge what they don't know, they are left exposed and unprepared, and leaders obsessed with control and certainty block themselves from taking seriously differing perspectives. These dynamics are not well suited to a world that is being upended, with fascism and ecological collapse on our doorstep. However, the need for certainty and control isn't confined to the halls of power. Across psychology, neuroscience, philosophy, evolutionary biology and strands of spirituality, it is recognised that our brains are wired for certainty. Neuroscience studies show that the brain responds to uncertainty as a fear-based threat, triggering the threat response centre called the amygdala. There is an evolutionary survival reason for this, to detect and react to danger: 'How will I protect myself if I don't know what's coming at me?' Humans' over-alert threat response is also shaped by culture and society. We have a political-media establishment that is happy to pump out ready opinions that are not only factually baseless and untrue, but also provoke our threat response. And in times of economic decline and uncertainty, there is an opportunity for far-right groups to hijack and trigger emotional and psychological reactions towards marginalised groups. When imaginary fears are adopted and promoted by those in power, this isn't a mistake: it is a way to control. The dominant mode of power that continues to operate in society, and certainly in the Labour party today, is 'power over', which is built on control, domination and coercion. Leadership exerts pressure and stress, which can often make our amygdala threat response fire off. People become paranoid and go into overdrive trying to control everything. To an extent, I understand these responses. As an overconfident 27-year-old when I took on a director role, I certainly had an urge to control everything. I had to work hard against that tendency in order to lead in a collaborative way. The phrase 'holding uncertainty' was useful for me, because it meant I didn't always trust my first reaction in situations, or the narratives my brain was telling me. It reminded me to take on board different opinions, rather than simply dismiss them. Of course I made mistakes, but I was also open to examining my own controlling and perfectionistic tendencies. 'Embracing uncertainty' or 'letting go' has been mostly limited to the pages of self-help books, but letting go on an individual level doesn't make sense if you can't pay your rent, or your family is getting deported. However, if we apply it to our institutions, power centres, systems and structures, it can be a direction of travel against authoritarianism, moving us towards co-creation, pluralist thinking that goes beyond siloed categories, and building coalitions against the far right. We are a quarter of the way through this century, and the IPCC climate change report says that global temperature increase could be up to 5.7C by 2100, making much of the world unliveable. At the same time, fascism is on the rise. Renewing our democracies, shifting to a healthier culture, tackling the climate crisis and reorienting the economy will only happen if we shift our culture and institutions away from control. We need to let go. What have we got to lose? Fran Boait is a leadership coach, freelancer and writer

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store