
As Trump, Putin meet in Alaska, story of how ‘Russian America' came to US
The Alaska Purchase was widely criticised at the time. Newspapers famously called the deal 'Seward's Folly' and referred to the frigid Arctic territory as 'Seward's Icebox' and 'Walrussia'.
Yet, when asked by a friend what he considered the most significant act of his career, Seward replied without hesitation: 'The purchase of Alaska… But it will take the people a generation to find it out.' As things turned out, he was right.
As the American and Russian Presidents meet in Anchorage on Friday, here's the story of how the US acquired Russian America, and in the process struck gold (and oil).
Humans have called Alaska home since at least 14,000 BCE when foraging groups crossed over a land bridge that connected the Chukchi and Seward peninsulae.
Then, some 10,000 years ago, sea levels rose and the Americas were cut off from the rest of the world for more than nine millenia. (Scholars have long debated about pre-Columbian contact between the Old and New Worlds, but evidence thus far has been wanting).
There is no clear record of when Europeans first visited Alaska, although it is likely to have been some time in the 17th century. It was in the 18th century, however, that two expeditions funded by St Petersburg and led by Vitus Bering, a Danish-born Russian cartographer, returned after exploring the northwestern coast of Alaska.
Colonisation began soon after, spurred by the fur trade.
'If it had not been for the sea otter and its beautiful fur, the Russians would have been in no hurry to follow up on Bering's discoveries. Within a few years the hunt for fur led to the enslavement of the native Alaskans called Aleuts, and to the virtual extinction of the sea otter in that part of the world,' historian Daniel Cohen wrote in The Alaska Purchase (1996).
The Russian-American Company, Russia's first joint-stock company, officially came into being in 1799 with the mission of establishing new settlements in Alaska and conducting trade.
The Russian American colony was based largely on the coast. Operating out of the island settlement of Novo-Arkhangelsk (now known as Sitka), at its peak, Russian America stretched all the way to Fort Ross in California. (The Company sold Fort Ross in 1841).
By the mid-19th century, the Russians had hunted most of the bear, wolf, and sea otter populations, valuable for their furs and pelts, to near-extinction.
As profits from the once-lucrative fur trade dwindled, Russian America, often referred to in St Petersburg as 'Siberia's Siberia', became an albatross around the neck of the Romanovs, and a drain on state resources.
'The fate of Russian America had become a subject of concern and debate in Russia even before the outbreak of the Crimean War (1853–56),' historian Lee A Farrow wrote in Seward's Folly: A New Look at the Alaska Purchase (2017).
But it was the Crimean War, in which Russia suffered a devastating defeat at the hands of an alliance comprising the French, the British, and the Ottomans, that proved to be a final nail in the coffin for Russian imperial ambitions in America.
'In the spring of 1857, Grand Duke Constantine, brother of the new tsar, Alexander II, wrote to Minister of Foreign Affairs Alexander Gorchakov that Russia should sell its North American territories to the United States,' Farrow wrote.
'The grand duke emphasised the needs of the Russian treasury, the declining value of the colony, and his belief that the Americans were eager to control the whole of North America,' she wrote.
It would take another decade of on-and-off negotiations with the Americans for the deal to materialise.
By all accounts, Seward's enthusiasm was what made the deal happen.
'Seward was an energetic and ambitious man who yearned to be President… He certainly typified the expansionist mood of mid-nineteenth-century America. Seward didn't want just Alaska; he envisioned the US taking over Hawaii and the Philippines, and to the north Greenland, Iceland, and even Canada,' Cohen wrote.
That said, there were some sound economic and geopolitical considerations to make the purchase, even at the time. Many believed that Alaska would help expand commercial relations with Asia, making new ports and routes available for the Pacific trade. Others, like Seward, saw the purchase as a stepping stone to eventually taking over British Columbia.
But the true economic value of the colony would gradually be realised over the next century.
By the 1870s, with the gold fields in California depleting, some prospectors began making their way to Alaska. A couple of them struck gold on Alaska's southeastern coast in 1880. While gold was never a major source of wealth for the economy as a whole, it helped capture people's imagination, sent many flocking to the frigid north, and made some lucky ones extremely rich.
Much more transformative was the discovery of oil — and a lot of it. After a few promising findings in the 1950s, oil prospectors began taking greater interest in Alaska. In 1968, America's largest oil and gas deposit was discovered in Prudhoe Bay, a remote region along Alaska's northernmost coast, profoundly changing Alaska almost overnight.
'Alaska has become established as America's greatest oil province,' Alaska Governor William A Egan said in a 1970 speech, according to an article in NPR. 'Ponder for a moment the promise, the dream, and the touch of destiny.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Hindu
a few seconds ago
- The Hindu
Alaskan winds, India and the Trump-Putin summit
The 'Alaska Moment' between United States President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin on August 15, 2025 will translate to other objectives for Ukraine as Mr. Trump engages with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and European leaders, leading up to a possible trilateral summit in a quest for the end of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. For New Delhi, however, the Alaska Summit did not yield the clear-cut outcomes many had hoped for before the meeting between the leaders of two of India's closest friends. Nor did it help the peculiar sense of vulnerability that Indian diplomacy faced, of having so much at stake in a meeting while having so little agency in its results. Broadly, the Narendra Modi government had hoped that a U.S.-Russia rapprochement would take off some of the pressure from the U.S. India has felt over its ties with Russia. However, while there was a visible warmth in the Trump-Putin exchanges, this did not result in a less chilling tone that Mr. Trump has had towards India. He has been taking India to task on a number of issues. More specifically, hopes rose that the Alaska meeting would result in a rollback of the U.S.'s planned 25% secondary sanctions on India for buying Russian oil; the resumption of India-U.S. trade talks that Mr. Trump has held up over the Russia oil issue; and a subsequent revision of the 25% reciprocal tariffs already in place. In a severely-worded piece in the Financial Times ('India's oil lobby is funding Putin's war machine — that has to stop'), Peter Navarro, who is Mr. Trump's Senior Counselor on Trade and Manufacturing, virtually dashed such hopes, making it clear that the double tariffs were a 'two-pronged policy' by the U.S. to 'hit India where it hurts', for both the Russian imports and for its curbs on market access. No change in India policies Nor was there any indicator that Mr. Trump would let up on the other pain point: his counter-narrative to the Modi government's account of Operation Sindoor (May 7-10) and how the ceasefire was achieved. Not only did Mr. Trump repeat that he has mediated the India-Pakistan ceasefire, using trade as a leverage to corral both sides, but he now adds that a nuclear conflict would have followed as both sides were 'shooting down airplanes', a version at considerable odds from that of the Modi government, which has thus far conceded that it had no losses in the conflict. Thus, the first takeaway from the Summit must be this: while Mr. Trump's re-engagement and bonhomie with Mr. Putin may help Moscow, it does not mean a revision of his policies toward India. In any case, the rationale behind the secondary sanctions on India is dubious, and more about power games than about punishing Russia. The U.S. has itself increased its trade with Russia since Mr. Trump came to power and China imports of Russian oil have been consistently larger than India's. Hitting India with sanctions while feting the Russian President and ignoring China's actions seems to indicate that the reasons for the U.S.'s actions lie elsewhere. Many have suggested that Mr. Trump has acted out of pique — upset that Mr. Modi ignored his claims to have mediated with the Pakistanis. Reports suggested that Mr. Modi also rebuffed U.S. moves for him to sit down with the Pakistani leadership in Riyadh or in Washington, and that the Modi-Trump call on June 17 was extremely acrimonious and awkward as a result. Mr. Trump's more obvious focus appears to be recognition for his peace-making efforts, and a possible Nobel Peace Prize, and the Modi government has already missed the bus to give him the credit for the Operation Sindoor ceasefire that Mr. Trump so clearly wants. New Delhi must decide whether it wishes to jump through hoops for Washington, or whether it would be more sensible to step back and allow the Trump administration to do its worst before assessing a response and turn its energies to other parts of the world. There may be avenues to shore up India's options on trade relationships with Mr. Modi's upcoming visits to Japan and then to China for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation meet, a possible visit to the U.S. for the United Nations General Assembly, and then South Africa for the G-20 summit. There is also Mr. Putin's visit to India soon. The bellwether event for India-U.S. ties will be the upcoming Quad Summit (India, U.S., Japan, Australia) that India is due to host later this year. It is still unclear whether Mr. Trump will visit India, especially if no India-U.S. trade deal is done by then, and whether the Indian government will be in any mood to roll out the red carpet. Returning to substance The second takeaway should be a lesson in not allowing 'Summitry' to overtake India's broader interests. For more than a decade, the 'Modi mantra' of foreign policy has been about personal magic and chemistry, of dealing one-to-one with leaders of other countries, as his imprimatur on bilateral ties. As a result, visits abroad have been judged by the number of joint public appearances, handshakes and embraces as well as special honours and awards that are given to the Prime Minister, rather than the actual agreements and concessions between them. With China, however, the 18 one-on-one meetings between Mr. Modi and China's President Xi Jinping between 2014-19 did not generate the requisite understanding to foresee Chinese People's Liberation Army's transgressions along the Line of Actual Control and the Galwan clashes. With the U.S., too, Mr. Modi's close engagements during the Trump 1.0 tenure (the 'Howdy Modi' rally in Texas in 2019 and the 'Namaste Trump' rally in Gujarat in 2020), as well as his early visit to Washington under the Trump 2.0 administration in February 2025 should have given the two leaders enough of an understanding of the other. Given the shocks that have followed, it may be time to turn back the focus to substance over style. But that substance becomes more difficult to seek in Trumpian times, given that most foreign policy decisions are being taken by Mr. Trump himself and a small ring around him in the White House, with few appointments being made on the desks that deal with India in the National Security Council or the State Department. In the 'good times' Delhi and Washington have worked well, even without a U.S. Ambassador in place in India. But at present, it is clear that a senior envoy with a keen knowledge of India as well as the U.S. President's ear are necessary to navigate the turbulence in ties. Maintain a political balance The third lesson of the past few months is that India must reclaim bipartisanship in diplomatic relations, and build and maintain ties on both sides of the political spectrum, regardless of which party is in power. In the U.S., the Democratic party establishment was unhappy about the Trump-Modi rallies because they were held just months before the U.S. presidential election in 2020, and India had to spend some time, subsequently, repairing ties with the Joe Biden administration. Four years later, this annoyed Mr. Trump, the Republican contender, especially as he felt the contrast between the close personal bonhomie while he was in power and the fact that the Mr. Modi and his envoys did not spend time with him when he was out of power, including during the three times Mr. Modi travelled to the U.S., in 2021, 2023 and 2024, to hold talks with Mr. Biden. Closer home, this bipartisanship has been proven to trip up India's ties in the neighbouring countries as well — Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal and the Maldives. Fourth, Mr. Trump's penalties on India's import of oil, after the U.S. allowed, even actively encouraged the purchases before, show how fickle the global power can be and how futile it is for India to forego its principles in order to please a particular regime. India's time-honoured principle of only acceding to UN-mandated sanctions was broken in 2018 when the government bowed to Mr. Trump's threats of sanctions against Iranian oil, and then Venezuelan oil, possibly emboldening him to demand the same against the use of Russian oil this time. By accepting such unreasonable orders, India does not just risk economic losses in foregoing cheaper oil. It also becomes complicit in the U.S.'s foreign policy objectives that do not necessarily align with India's national interests. Conversely, when India resists such moves, it wins the support of others in the Global South. And while they object, western powers grudgingly accept India's strategic autonomy in these matters. Finally, New Delhi must consider measures and countermeasures to deal with U.S. actions that hurt India's interests acutely — like the reciprocal and penalty tariffs that will make Indian goods far less competitive than those of its exporting rivals, curbs on U.S. manufacturing in India, or the remittance taxes on Indians working in the U.S. Getting back India's agency will require a firmer stance — one that is not buffeted by the winds in Alaska, at a summit meeting thousands of kilometres away from India. suhasini.h@
&w=3840&q=100)

Business Standard
a few seconds ago
- Business Standard
Trilateral push: Trump, Zelenskyy open to talks with Putin on Ukraine war
Donald Trump and Volodymyr Zelenskyy say they are willing to enter trilateral dialogue with Vladimir Putin to end Russia's war in Ukraine New Delhi US President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy stated that they were open to three-way talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday to end Russia's war in Ukraine. 'I just spoke to President Putin indirectly, and we're going to have a phone call right after these meetings today — and we may or may not have a trilat,' Trump told reporters in the Oval Office, using shorthand for trilateral negotiations. Zelenskyy, appearing alongside Trump, echoed the sentiment. 'We are ready for trilateral as the president said. It's a good signal about trilateral. I think this is very good,' he told reporters. The comments came ahead of a high-stakes White House meeting with European leaders, where discussions focused on long-term security guarantees for Kyiv. Trump suggested that a 'NATO-like' framework could emerge, while stressing that US troops would not be deployed. Trump-Putin Alaska summit The remarks come just days after Trump's meeting with Putin in Alaska, where the US president suggested that Zelenskyy would need to accept concessions to advance peace talks. Trump added that he plans to speak directly with the Russian leader again once his consultations with Zelenskyy and European counterparts conclude. After their press appearance, Trump and Zelenskyy held one-on-one talks before being joined by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, French President Emmanuel Macron, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, Finnish President Alexander Stubb, and NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte. European leaders present united stance European leaders, excluded from Trump's earlier session with Putin, arrived in Washington to ensure Ukraine's interests are safeguarded and to prevent wider Russian aggression on the continent. Their collective appearance at the White House marks a show of diplomatic unity. The gathering may have also been aimed at preventing tensions seen in February, when Trump publicly rebuked Zelenskyy during an Oval Office meeting for not showing enough gratitude for US aid. This time, EU leaders sought to present a coordinated front before moving into joint discussions in the East Room.


News18
a few seconds ago
- News18
Zelenskyy arrives at White House to meet US President Donald Trump
Washington, DC [US], August 18 (ANI): Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy arrived at the White House on Monday to meet US President Donald Trump. A short while ago, European leaders too arrived here. This high-stakes meeting comes on the heels of Trump's recent summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Alaska last week. At the meeting, Trump tried to establish a ceasefire deal between Russia and opening remarks, Trump called the meeting 'very important" and believes progress is being made. He also says that there's the 'possibility" that something could come out of his meeting with the reporter's questions began, Zelenskyy thanked Trump effusively for his 'personal efforts to stop the killings and stop the wars," Al Jazeera him is a letter he had brought for Melania Trump, thanking her for a letter she sent to Putin on Friday, raising the plight of Ukrainian children kidnapped by Russia. Meanwhile, Pro-Ukrainian demonstrators have been gathering near the White House ahead of Trump's meeting with are urging the US president to stand with Ukraine and calling for sanctions on Russia, among other punitive responses. During the Alaska summit, President Donald Trump said he and Russian President Vladimir Putin made 'great progress" but did not emerge from the summit with a deal on the war in Ukraine. Trump and Putin also addressed a gathering of journalists after the talks with relatively brief pre-prepared statements. Neither leader took any questions, according to Al said his country is committed to ending the war, but the conflict's 'primary causes" must be eliminated for an agreement to be also warned Ukraine and the European Union against throwing a 'wrench in the works" and cautioned against attempts to use 'backroom dealings to conduct provocations to torpedo the nascent progress," as per Al praised the 'extremely productive meeting", in which he said 'many points were agreed to". He said there is a 'very good chance of getting there" – referring to a ceasefire – but conceded that there remain sticking points with Moscow, including at least one 'significant" cautioned that it's 'ultimately up to them" – referring to Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. 'There's no deal until there's a deal," he said. (ANI)