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Standing up for freedom, dignity: Zelenskyy as he wishes India on Independence Day

Standing up for freedom, dignity: Zelenskyy as he wishes India on Independence Day

India Todaya day ago
As India celebrated its 79th Independence Day on August 15, 2025, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy extended warm greetings to the nation through a social media message."Congratulations to the people of India, President @rashtrapatibhvn, and Prime Minister @narendramodi on the Independence Day! A good, candid conversation with Prime Minister @narendramodi when I had an opportunity to personally convey my best wishes on this occasion," Zelenskyy said in a post on X (previously Twitter).advertisement
The Ukrainian president said that both nations share the experience of standing up for freedom and dignity, as well as the pursuit of peace and development."I am confident that the potential for mutually beneficial Ukraine–India cooperation lies ahead — in science, technology, trade, and culture," he added, expressing optimism about bilateral ties between New Delhi and Kyiv.Against the backdrop of growing geopolitical friction—especially over trade and energy—Zelenskyy's message opened a door for deeper cooperation.He appealed, "India will contribute to efforts aimed at ending the war, so that our freedom and sovereignty are truly secure" setting a hopeful tone for renewed ties in areas of mutual cooperation.Zelenskyy's optimism about India being a key player to help end Ukraine's war with Russia stems from the fact that New Delhi enjoys cordial relations with Moscow.Zelenskyy has made similar appeals to India in the past as well, while PM Modi has been heard saying at several multilateral forums that "this is not the era of war" while referring to the Ukraine-Russia conflict.Ukraine and Russia have been embroiled in the worst war since World War-2 for over 3.5 years now, with efforts underway to help bring a halt to the military conflict. To help reach a ceasefire agreement between the two countries, US President Donald Trump held talks with his Russia counterpart Putin in Alaska on Friday.INDIA'S 79TH INDEPENDENCE DAYIndia's Independence Day celebrations were orchestrated with characteristic grandeur on Friday. Prime Minister Narendra Modi paid tribute at Mahatma Gandhi's memorial before hoisting the Tricolour and delivering his 12th successive Independence Day speech from the ramparts of the iconic Red Fort in Delhi.PM Modi honoured the armed forces' valour—particularly citing Operation Sindoor, precision strikes carried out in response to a terror attack in Pahalgam, as a shining example of Made-in-India capabilities.Emphasising the imperative of economic sovereignty, PM Modi reiterated that "being self-reliant is true freedom," warning against over-dependence on foreign nations and reaffirming his push for Aatmanirbhar Bharat.- EndsTune InMust Watch
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Trump reverses position on need for ceasefire before potential peace deal for ending Ukraine war
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Trump reverses position on need for ceasefire before potential peace deal for ending Ukraine war

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PM Modi to inaugurate Delhi sections of UER-2, Dwarka Expressway on Sunday
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PM Modi to inaugurate Delhi sections of UER-2, Dwarka Expressway on Sunday

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Trump's Tariff Threat Tests India-US Relations
Trump's Tariff Threat Tests India-US Relations

The Hindu

time28 minutes ago

  • The Hindu

Trump's Tariff Threat Tests India-US Relations

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Global commodity data shows India imported about 1.8 million barrels per day of Russian crude in the first half of the year, which is about 37 per cent of its total imports. Since 2023, India has been the biggest market for Russian crude, and between the two largest buyers of Russian crude, India and China, it is India that is clearly more dependent. According to data and analytics company Kpler, India imported 89 million tonnes (seaborne crude) last year, which was more than China's import. Switching crude oil varieties and buyers is neither going to be easy nor practical for India's refineries, aside from the fact that it also threatens to ratchet up prices. Also Read | America's melting ice cube and other tariff fairy tales On the flip side, the collateral damage of a 50 per cent tariff slap will be large. There are a number of export-oriented industries that are already feeling jittery; textiles, for one, the gems and jewellery sector, another, where the US makes up 30 per cent of its exports. Many export-oriented industries are in fact also labour-intensive industries, and a hit to their fortunes will have a massive knock-on effect on jobs. The list of vulnerable companies includes the big gun, Reliance Industries, which signed a 10-year contract to buy nearly 5,00,000 barrels a day of crude from Russia's state-owned Rosneft, making it the biggest-ever energy agreement between the two nations. Reliance has been exporting its refined products to both Europe and North America. A breakdown in ties with Western countries will mean significant changes in its business and perhaps its profitability in the months to come. India's domestic advantage with a large consumer market has been pointed to, but whichever way you cut it, a tariff hike of this quantum will see economic damage and dented investor sentiment for the country. There are counter-arguments to the possibility of a grim reset in Indo-US ties. One, that this will be yet another flip-flop by the US President, where a resolution of some sort will be cobbled together before the end of August, which is the deadline set by him. Two, that the two countries are now intertwined across too human and financial capital strands; Indian tech firms have long been present in America's industry through its services and its engineers. Money now flows both ways through venture capital and significant equity market exposure. Ripping all that apart will take more than tariff sabre-rattling. All or some of this may prove to be true. But there are also two clear questions here that need to be reckoned with. India was used to being the 'pick me' candidate when it came to China, where there was tactical and strategic advantage in building strong relations with India to offset China's growing strength in the region. Many nations, the US included, are having a rethink about that approach. China is no longer taboo, and India is no longer the counterfoil to China's regional dominance. Worse yet is the distinct turn in relations between the US and India's other neighbour, Pakistan. What started with a rather embarrassing display of cornering credit, President Trump claimed he was the one to put a stop to an imminent war between India and Pakistan—a claim that has been consistently repeated while speaking on the subject. While Indian diplomatic channels frantically tried to belie that take, Pakistan not only concurred with the US President's statement, it went on to nominate Donald Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize. Relations between the US and Pakistan have been on the upswing since then, ranging from private lunches with Pakistan's top military brass and talks about potentially boosting trade and commercial ties. It has left the Indian government with egg on its face and a disgruntled domestic mood. India and Pakistan, to America's mind are now firmly re-hyphenated. Also Read | Modi's foreign policy in shreds as non-alignment becomes multi-alignment How did it all turn sour so quickly when the singular narrative so far has been Prime Minister Modi's outstanding personal equation with Trump—from walking out hand in hand to address a rally in Houston, Texas a few years ago, to what is now being termed the lowest point in Indo-US ties in many decades; the 'great friendship' has not yielded any joy on economic ties. Perhaps the first lesson then is when policies—foreign, national, or economic—are built around personalities rather than nations, egos tend to get in the way. Especially when there is a domestic fan base that has been cheering the 'strongman' approach to cater to. There is also a view that this could be the moment India dives into structural reforms. In other words, this will be the catalyst for the great reset. As we wait on that outcome to emerge, it gives rise to the second question: Was that not the plan with the 'Make in India' campaign launched a decade ago? What has gone so sorely wrong ten years into its launch, where is the performance audit on the promised nation-building initiatives, the manufacturing thrust, more jobs for more people? This present round of tariff threats and ultimatums could go in any direction. Frankly, it does not even matter. The economic ground is shifting beneath the feet of both leaders. Time to see who has feet of clay. Mitali Mukherjee is the Director of the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, University of Oxford. She is a political economy journalist with more than two decades of experience in TV, print and digital journalism. Mitali has co-founded two start-ups that focussed on civil society and financial literacy and her key areas of interest are gender and climate change.

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