
FedEx, UPS, DHL executives to face fresh scrutiny in India antitrust case
Allowing a complainant to interrogate companies is not common in Indian antitrust cases. It means the final findings of the antitrust investigation could change and create new challenges for the courier majors, and the case will be prolonged by several months, antitrust lawyers and government sources said.
Many foreign and domestic companies are bullish about the Indian courier and parcel delivery market, which is expected to grow 11% a year to $14.3 billion by 2030, bolstered by a boom in online shopping, research firm Mordor Intelligence says.
In December, Reuters reported the Competition Commission of India (CCI) found "no evidence" of courier firms sharing commercial information amongst themselves. The 2022 cartel case, whose details remain confidential in line with rules, was triggered when the Federation of Indian Publishers alleged collusion on prices and discounts by delivery firms.
The CCI has now found merit in a complaint by the publishers' group which argued it must be allowed to cross-examine the delivery company executives as investigators only relied on oral submissions to give the companies a clean chit.
The federation "has demonstrated sufficient cause establishing necessity and expediency of conducting such cross-examination," the CCI noted in a May 28 internal order that was reviewed by Reuters.
The order said the executives to be questioned were Subhasish Chakraborty, Managing Director of India's DTDC Express; R.S. Subramanian, Managing Director of DHL Express India; Suvendu Choudhury, a vice president of FedEx in India; Percy Avari, general manager of Aramex in India, and Abbas Panju, India managing director of UPS Express.
None of the executives responded to requests for comment.
DHL (DHLn.DE), opens new tab said in a statement it operates in full compliance with all laws and is "cooperating fully with the CCI", but could not comment on specifics.
The CCI, as well as other companies - DTDC, U.S.-based FedEx (FDX.N), opens new tab and UPS (UPS.N), opens new tab, and Dubai's Aramex (ARMX.DU), opens new tab did not respond to Reuters queries.
The Federation of Indian Publishers also did not respond. It represents many Indian publishers like S.Chand and Rupa Publications, as well as some foreign groups like Pan Macmillan.
Sending the case back to the CCI investigators could become an irritant for the logistics industry, which has faced scrutiny since 2015, when France levied a $735 million fine on 20 companies, including FedEx and DHL, for secretly colluding to increase prices.
In India, cross-examination of companies by the complainant "is rare," said Gautam Shahi, a competition law partner at Indian law firm Dua Associates.
"Such cross-examination may reveal new facts and the conclusions of the earlier investigation report may come into question. It may change the direction of the case," he said.
The CCI investigations unit will now oversee the cross-examination proceedings in coming weeks and submit a report to top antitrust officials for a review, four sources familiar with the matter said.
The Federation of Indian Publishers had alleged that courier companies acted together to determine charges, and also did not reduce the fuel surcharge they charged when jet fuel prices dropped.
The 202-page investigation report shared with the companies privately last year, and seen by Reuters this week, notes that 36 notices were sent to 15 courier firms during 2023-24 to gather details of their businesses, with UPS submitting the most responses - 13.
The CCI report concludes no email correspondence surfaced that showed "any collusive/concerted activities" among rivals.
The Federation of Indian Publishers has also successfully argued it wants to point out several anomalies in the earlier recorded statements of company executives, which were ignored by investigators, noted the CCI order that allowed the cross-examination.

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Daily Mail
an hour ago
- Daily Mail
Veteran 'Superman' Li Ka-Shing could save Thames Water
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The Guardian
4 hours ago
- The Guardian
‘A structural dependence on heavy industry': can South Korea wean itself off fossil fuels?
GDP per capita per annum: US$34,640 (global average $14,210) Total annual tonnes CO2: 577.42.m (tenth highest country) CO2 per capita: 11.16 metric tonnes (global average 4.7) Most recent NDC (carbon plan): 2021 Climate plans: highly insufficient On a cool early morning on South Korea's east coast, Eunbin Kang pointed to a monument to a vanishing era. The 2.1GW Samcheok Blue power plant which came online in South Korea in January looms out of the headlands above a beach made internationally famous by a K-pop album shoot. It is expected to emit 13m tonnes of CO2 annually, while its lifespan could stretch beyond 2050, the year by which the country has pledged to reach carbon neutrality. The country was building coal-fired power plants, said Kang, an activist who heads the Youth Climate Emergency Action group and relocated to this city to oppose the facility, 'even as the climate emergency demands an immediate halt to fossil fuel expansion'. But Samcheok is not an outlier. It is a symbol of the stark climate contradiction at the heart of the world's 12th largest economy, celebrated for its technological prowess in semiconductors and electric vehicle batteries, yet among the top ten worst global climate performers. Despite South Korea's impressive climate pledges to reach net zero by 2050 with a 40% reduction in emissions from 2018 levels by 2030, fossil fuels still dominate its energy mix: 60% of electricity comes from coal and gas, while renewables make up just 9%, a quarter of the OECD average of 34%. Monopoly strangling transition At the heart of South Korea's climate failure is an energy model based on a state monopoly and central planning. Korea Electric Power Corporation (Kepco), the state-owned energy company, controls transmission, distribution and retail, while its subsidiaries dominate generation, creating structural challenges for competitors. 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The country's energy strategy is guided by the Basic Plan for Electricity Supply and Demand, a 15-year forecast revised every two years. But the framework, which dates back to the 1960s, still prioritises centralised, large-scale power generation – a model built for coal and nuclear, and fundamentally incompatible with today's decentralised, flexible renewable technologies. Political volatility worsens the problem. Each five-year presidential term brings a policy reversal. For instance, in 2017, President Moon Jae-in announced a nuclear phase-out; his successor, the now disgraced ex-president Yoon Suk Yeol, reversed course five years later. This whiplash undermines any long-term planning for renewables – a problem faced by democracies around the world. The consequences are stark. After Russia's invasion of Ukraine sent fossil fuel prices soaring, Kepco incurred enormous losses. In 2022 alone, South Korea faced an extra 22tn won (£11.9 bn) in LNG power costs. Yet the government kept electricity prices artificially low, a political choice that pushed Kepco's debt to a staggering 205tn won (£111bn) by 2024. Despite this crisis, meaningful reform remains elusive. This entrenched monopoly system has effectively blocked the clean energy transition, with independent renewable producers struggling to gain meaningful access to a market dominated by fossil fuel interests. Carbon-intensive by design More broadly, South Korea's postwar rise relied on energy-intensive industries: steel, petrochemicals, shipbuilding and semiconductors. 'This structural dependency on heavy and chemical industries makes the energy transition extraordinarily difficult,' says Park Sangin, a professor of economics at Seoul National University. 'These industries are deeply embedded in the country's economic fabric and require vast amounts of stable, cheap electricity.' 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'It exposes the country's hypocrisy – adopting climate targets at home while funding climate destruction abroad.' Even climate-friendly institutions continue backing fossil fuels. The National Pension Service (NPS), one of the world's largest pension funds, remains a major investor in coal and gas projects, despite a 2021 'coal-free' declaration. Three and a half years after this announcement, NPS only finalised its coal divestment strategy in December 2024, with a timeline that will delay implementation for domestic assets until 2030. Meanwhile, South Korea's market-based climate policies have failed to drive meaningful change. The emissions trading scheme (K-ETS) was supposed to put a price on carbon when it launched in 2015. But the system, which hands out free allowances to the largest companies, has instead created perverse incentives, according to campaign group Plan 1.5. The group carried out an analysis and found that South Korea's 10 largest polluters have made over 475bn won (£258bn) from selling unused carbon credits between 2015 and 2022. The system that was meant to make polluters pay has instead rewarded them. Next generation fights back There is growing awareness of a climate crisis as the country begins to experience increasingly severe weather. In 2023 46 people died in floods that displaced thousands. More recently, torrential rains have again caused at least 26 deaths, followed by a record-breaking heatwave. In March this year devastating wildfires swept across more than 48,000 hectares (118,610 acres) – roughly 80% of the area of Seoul – killing 31 people and destroying thousands of homes. The country's disaster chief described the situation as 'a climate crisis unlike anything we've experienced before'. The prime minister, Kim Min-seok, has described the climate crisis as 'the new normal'. Now a new generation of South Koreans is challenging the status quo through legal action. In February, a group of children gathered outside Posco's office in Seoul. Among them was 11-year-old Yoohyun Kim, the youngest plaintiff in a groundbreaking lawsuit against Posco. The case aims to block the company's plan to reline an old coal-fired blast furnace, a move that would extend its life by 15 years and emit an estimated 137m tonnes of CO2. 'I came here during my precious winter break, my last as an elementary school student, because I want to protect all four seasons,' Yoohyun told supporters. 'Spring and autumn are disappearing with climate change – and with them, the chance for children like me to play freely outside.' The lawsuit is the first of its kind globally to target traditional blast furnace production. It follows a crucial ruling by South Korea's constitutional court last August which found that the government's climate policies violated the rights of future generations by failing to set legally binding targets for 2031-50. In March, residents and activists filed another suit over the government's approval of the world's largest semiconductor cluster in Yongin, backed by a 360tn won (£195bn) Samsung investment. The suit argues that the project's 10GW electricity demand and new LNG plants contradict climate regulations and corporate sustainability commitments. Kim Jeongduk, an activist from Political Mamas who participated in protests against the Samcheok Blue plant with her child, sees this as a generational struggle. 'Growing up in Pohang, I saw smokestacks fill the sky on my way to school every day. My throat would hurt from fine dust, and iron particles would collect on our windowsills,' she recalls. 'Adults always said: 'Thanks to Posco, our region survives.' I don't want my child to grow up with that same false choice between a healthy environment and economic survival.' The international data shows that South Korea's emissions peaked in 2018, and have been falling, with a brief jump after Covid, ever since. The government maintains that it is making progress on its climate goals, although critics argue that it is relying on some wonky calculations around its 2030 emission reduction target, confusing net with gross emissions. 'South Korea is actively pursuing bold reduction of coal power generation through prohibiting new permits for coal power plants and phasing out ageing facilities,' the ministry said in a statement, arguing that any remaining coal plants operating beyond 2050, such as those approved before the 2021 ban, would be addressed through 'carbon capture and storage technology and clean fuel conversion' in a way 'not inconsistent with our carbon neutrality commitment'. But independent analysis suggests these measures fall well short. 'The Basic Plan has no specific plan for how to expand renewable energy,' says Prof Park. 'There are vague targets, but no timeline, no locations. In stark contrast, the nuclear roadmap is extremely detailed and specific.' His recent research using the Global Change Assessment Model shows the current plan would fall short of meeting South Korea's 2030 emissions targets by approximately 6-7%. A more ambitious policy focused on offshore wind expansion and a complete phase-out of coal by 2035 could not only meet climate goals but reduce power sector emissions by 82% by 2035. When confronted with criticisms of its emissions accounting, South Korea's environment ministry defended its approach: 'Our emissions reduction target calculation method considers international regulations and major country cases. Countries like Japan and Canada use similar calculation methods for their 2030 NDCs,' a spokesperson said. The ministry added that although previous targets used the older 1996 IPCC guidelines, from 2024 they have begun using the updated 2006 standards for national greenhouse gas statistics. Back in Samcheok, Eunbin Kang looks out at the coal plant that now dominates the coastal landscape. 'I dream of a society where exploitation and plunder are replaced by decentralisation and autonomy,' she says. 'I want to contribute to spreading lifestyles and policies that allow everyone to lead a good life without requiring a lot of electricity or money.'


The Review Geek
4 hours ago
- The Review Geek
The Nice Guy – K-drama Episode 9 Recap & Review
Episode 9 Episode 9 of The Nice Guy begins with Seok-kyung finally coming back home. She wakes up the entire house, with Seok-hee, her mother, and her son rushing to greet her. Her father is as angry as ever but stops short of 'breaking her legs,' since her son is watching. In the end, Seok-kyung's father accepts her homecoming, even though he refuses to speak to her. The next day, Seok-cheol learns about his sister's return and goes to meet her after dropping Mi-young off from their overnight date trip. Meanwhile, Tae-hoon has someone spying on Seok-cheol, convinced that an attack against him is coming from Seok-cheol's side. Still, he harbors doubts about the intel suggesting Seok-cheol would try to kill him. At the same time, Seok-kyung finally attends her son's Parent's Day event at school, with Byeong-soo accompanying her. Later, as Seok-cheol gets his car washed, Tae-hoon's men trail him and ask for permission to strike him in this vulnerable state. Something doesn't feel right to Tae-hoon, though. Remembering that Seok-cheol had been the only one by his side when his sister passed, he holds back and refuses to give the go-ahead. From there, Seok-cheol heads straight to his office to finally hand in his resignation letter, despite his senior warning him of a potential retaliatory attack. Around the same time, Tae-hoon invites Seok-cheol for a meal and learns that he has resigned. After Seok-cheol leaves, Tae-hoon orders his men to launch an attack on Seok-cheol's gang, now that he isn't with them. Their attempt backfires comically when Byeong-soo happens to be in the area, thwarting their efforts for the time being. Meanwhile, Mi-young discovers that her mother has been moved to a single room, only to realize Tae-hoon was behind it, something that doesn't sit well with her. Elsewhere, Ki-hong is ecstatic after being promoted to associate professor at the hospital, but Seok-hee has her own dreams of studying abroad. When she returns home to share the news, she finds herself caught in the middle of the family's housing fiasco. Watching her father look for smaller apartments leaves her feeling suffocated and deeply empathetic toward him. On another front, gang boss Chang-soo meets Seok-cheol privately. It was revealed earlier that he is suffering from an illness, and now he expresses his desire to pass the gang's leadership on to Seok-cheol. Unfortunately, Seok-cheol's cunning senior , also hungry for power, overhears the conversation, leaving the episode on a tense cliffhanger. The Episode Review The Nice Guy Episode 9 balances warmth and tension, even if the storyline itself feels somewhat predictable. Seok-kyung's homecoming marks more than just a return, it symbolizes the possibility of a new beginning, a break away from her destructive past and bad habits. Her father's silent acceptance, though rough around the edges, adds an emotional layer to her arc. Tae-hoon's character, too, feels more grounded now. His choice not to attack Seok-cheol highlights the lingering bond between them, rooted in their shared past. It also reflects his ability to see the good in Seok-cheol despite the risks. Yet, Tae-hoon's dilemma remains unresolved. Does he truly feel a brotherhood with Seok-cheol, or is he still plagued by doubts about his loyalty? And his growing closeness to Mi-young raises further questions. Is he genuinely trying to protect her, perhaps making up for the sister he couldn't save, or does he harbor ulterior motives? Then there's the thing with Seok-hee trying to assert herself and her choices, emerging as a very identifiable feminist figure in the show. She's possibly one of the most endearing and likeable characters, someone whose story feels worth telling in its own right, beyond the family drama that surrounds her. The episode leaves us reflecting on these uncertainties while building up intrigue for the gang's succession battle. The tension between Seok-cheol's integrity, Tae-hoon's mistrust, and the looming threat of betrayal makes for an engaging setup heading into the next chapter. Previous Episode Next Episode Expect A Full Season Write-Up When This Season Concludes!