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Look within, say experts and industry groups

Look within, say experts and industry groups

KUALA LUMPUR: Policy makers should look internally at ways to facilitate ease of doing business and investing in the country as part of a wider response to the United States' tariffs, says an economist.
Centre for Market Education chief executive officer Dr Carmelo Ferlito said while it was encouraging that Malaysia had sent a delegation to Washington to discuss the issue with the US, it was also important for the country to "look within".
Ferlito said that this is because while tariffs are negotiated at a government-to-government (G2G) level, business was conducted at a business-to-business (B2B) level.
"There is merit for new opportunities where trade diversification and alternatives are concerned," he told the New Straits Times.
"But we have to be clear that trading partners cannot be changed overnight because trade happens between businesses, not countries per se."
A 10 per cent export loss to the US cannot easily or necessarily be shifted to another market like China or the European Union, he said, as it boils down to agreements between firms in two countries.
"Can a US importer find an alternative supplier domestically or from another country at the same or better price after the tariff is imposed?
"What are the transaction costs involved in such a search? Can the Malaysian firm find a European customer to replace the American one, in case the American one is lost? How long will it take?"
Ferlito said the tariff issue should not be viewed from an aggregate perspective without considering "microfoundations" because in the economy, everything happens at a "microlevel".
"The macro level exists only in the statistics books."
He said each transaction is the consequence of many other micro transactions, interrelated in a way which cannot be changed overnight or as a consequence of an interstate agreement.
Ferlito said there were measures that Malaysia could take beyond tariff discussions and exploring other markets, including non-tariff barriers.
"We can take a leaf from Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto, who called for simplifying and streamlining regulations to make to increase competitiveness and attract investments."
"Such a measure would help boost investments, not just foreign direct investments (FDI) but also domestic direct investments (DDI)."
This, in turn, could help soften the blow from any impact of the tariffs once the 90-day pause on the measure ends, he said.
During the special parliamentary session on May 5, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim outlined several measures to address the US tariff situation.
These include RM1.5 billion in financial aid for SMEs and the fast-tracking of infrastructure projects to stimulate domestic economic activity.
In response, business groups say internal strengthening is just as critical as external support.
The Federation of Malaysian Manufacturers (FMM) backed the formation of a National Supply Chain Council to address vulnerabilities across key sectors.
"Private sector participation is essential to ensure that the Council's strategies are grounded in operational realities," said FMM president Tan Sri Soh Thian Lai.
FMM also urged the swift rollout of the Government Procurement Act, calling it vital to "stimulating domestic demand and enhancing national production capabilities."
It added that government-linked companies should be subject to "a clear mandate or strong policy encouragement to increase their procurement from local manufacturers."
Small and Medium Enterprises Association (Samenta) noted that non-exporting SMEs make up the bulk of Malaysia's business landscape.
"These businesses... will be equally impacted as input costs rise, supply chains tighten, and consumer spending begins to contract," said president Datuk William Ng.
He called on the government to "pause all new and planned cost increases on SMEs" and freeze compliance requirements that could push more businesses into distress.
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How a CIA hit on al Qaeda ensnared a US citizen in Afghanistan
How a CIA hit on al Qaeda ensnared a US citizen in Afghanistan

The Star

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How a CIA hit on al Qaeda ensnared a US citizen in Afghanistan

WASHINGTON (Reuters) -As a crowd looked on, uniformed Taliban surrounded the Toyota Landcruiser in which Mahmood Habibi, a naturalized U.S. citizen, sat. Other Taliban smashed open the door of his Kabul apartment, emerging later with his laptop and papers. Blindfolded in the back seat, Habibi and his driver were driven off by gunmen sporting shoulder patches of the Taliban's feared secret police, the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI), according to several witness statements in U.S. government possession seen by Reuters. Afghanistan's Taliban government denies it detained Habibi, 37, who was a former head of Afghanistan's civil aviation. While dividing his time between the United States and Kabul working for a private company, he became a U.S. citizen after the Taliban took power in 2021. The Taliban also says they have no knowledge of his whereabouts, three years after he disappeared. That is contradicted by the witness accounts and other evidence, including data monitored from Habibi's cellphone, described to Reuters by a U.S. official and a former U.S. official familiar with the matter. The Taliban denials present a conundrum for the FBI, which is leading the U.S. government effort to gain his release; and for the State Department, which describes Habibi's detention a major impediment to exploring increased engagement with Afghanistan, three years after his August 10, 2022 arrest. U.S. President Donald Trump has made freeing Americans held abroad a top priority and already has secured the release of dozens, including from Afghanistan, Russia and Venezuela. The case of Habibi - the only publicly identified American held in the country - has been harder to resolve. This story is the most comprehensive account to date of the circumstances of Habibi's capture and includes previously unreported details. Among them, interviews with the U.S. official and a former U.S. official with knowledge of the case reveal that the Taliban likely detained Habibi because the CIAhadpenetrated the companywherehe sources say the U.S. spy agency had accessed one of the company's security cameras, helping it pinpoint the al Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri in a Kabul guesthouse. Habibi's detention came 10 days after Zawahiri - the last of the top plotters of the September 11, 2001, attack on the United States - was dramatically assassinated by a U.S. drone strike on the guesthouse, ordered by Trump's predecessor, Joe Biden. At the time, U.S. officials briefed journalists that it was a CIA operation. The U.S. sources told Reuters that Habibi was unaware of the CIA plot and was wrongly detained after returning to Kabul from a work trip to Dubai after the assassination, oblivious of the danger he was in. The CIA, the Taliban, the White House and Habibi's employer, Virginia-based ARX Communications, did not respond to detailed requests for comment for this story. ARX has previously said neither it, nor its subsidiaries, were involved with the strike on Zawahiri. Reuters could not independently verify whether Habibi was or wasn't aware of the plot. In a statement to Reuters, a State Department spokesperson called for Habibi's immediate release. "We know the Taliban abducted Mahmood Habibi nearly three years ago," the spokesperson said. A co-worker detained with Habibi, then later released, saw him in GDI headquarters and heard him in an adjacent room being asked if he worked for the CIA or was involved in the strike on Zawahiri, according to one of the statements in U.S government possession, seen by Reuters. Then, in June and August of 2023, the U.S. government detected that his mobile phone had been switched on in GDI headquarters, the U.S. official and former official said. 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The ministry appeared to confirm Habibi was a GDI prisoner in a reply two days later, seen by Reuters, saying that the intelligence directorate would decide on the petition when its investigation was completed. However, in a July 3, 2025 statement reported by Afghanistan's state news agency, Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid said that in response to requests from Habibi's family, the Taliban had investigated but no evidence has been found to suggest that he was detained by Afghanistan's security forces. Mujahid said the Taliban are a legitimate governing body that does not detain individuals without due process or hide them from public view. Mujahid did not respond to a Reuters request for comment. US CITIZEN Born to parents from the southern city of Kandahar, Habibi is one of eight siblings – three brothers and five sisters – who grew up in the Kabul neighborhood of Karte Parwan. His excellent English helped him secure a job with the U.N. civil aviation agency in Kabul in 2008. He worked for the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration's U.S. embassy office from 2011 to 2013. Tapped as deputy civil aviation minister, Habibi helped transition Afghanistan's air traffic system from U.S. control to the U.S.-backed Kabul government. Habibi became civil aviation minister in 2017. He held that post until 2019 while earning a civil aviation master's degree from Embry Riddle Aeronautical University in Florida, the university confirmed. In 2019, he resigned and then joined ARX to help oversee its Afghan subsidiary's contract to run air traffic control at Kabul's international airport. Habibi lived between the city and the United States, accumulating the last of the 30 months of U.S. residency he needed over a five-year period for U.S. citizenship in 2021, Ahmad said. He was in Kabul with his family during the chaotic departure of the last U.S. troops in August 2021, Ahmad said, as the Taliban consolidated its grip on the capital after 20 years of war. Habibi flew from Dubai to Kabul on August 4, 2022, after stopping in Qatar to check on his family and parents who were housed on a U.S. military base there waiting for final processing of U.S. immigration visas, said Ahmad. A week later Habibi was arrested. His wife, daughter and parents, who waited in Qatar until October for their visas before flying to the United States and settling in California, have not seen or heard from him since. Resolving Habibi's case would be the easiest way for the Taliban, who crave international recognition as Afghanistan's legitimate rulers, to explore improving ties with the U.S., the current U.S. official said. Since Habibi's detention, four other Americans have been arrested and released by the Taliban. (Reporting by Jonathan Landay; Additional reporting by Saeed Shah in Islamabad; Editing by Frank Jack Daniel)

NST Leader: The troubling language of the New York Declaration
NST Leader: The troubling language of the New York Declaration

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time2 hours ago

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NST Leader: The troubling language of the New York Declaration

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Beyond disputes: Turning Ambalat and Pedra Branca into platforms for maritime cooperation
Beyond disputes: Turning Ambalat and Pedra Branca into platforms for maritime cooperation

New Straits Times

time2 hours ago

  • New Straits Times

Beyond disputes: Turning Ambalat and Pedra Branca into platforms for maritime cooperation

THE maritime disputes over Ambalat and Batu Puteh are complex. Ambalat, located in the resource-rich Sulawesi Sea, is claimed by Malaysia and Indonesia since the early 2000s. The area is believed to contain significant hydrocarbon reserves, and both countries have issued oil exploration licences that have led to diplomatic protests and naval stand-offs. Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim recently emphasised the role of Sabah — which is the Malaysian state closest to the area — in ensuring that any joint development has equitable outcomes for border communities. Meanwhile, the dispute over Batu Puteh was partially resolved in 2008 when the International Court of Justice (ICJ) awarded sovereignty over it to Singapore. In the same judgment, the ICJ ruled that Middle Rocks belonged to Malaysia, while sovereignty over South Ledge would rest with the state in whose territorial waters it is located. As the ICJ did not delimit maritime boundaries, South Ledge's status is unresolved. In recent years, bilateral efforts have intensified to resolve outstanding maritime issues. At the 11th Malaysia-Singapore Leaders' Retreat in January, both governments agreed to begin technical work to delimit maritime boundaries in the Johor Strait, using the 1927 Territorial Waters Agreement as a legal basis. Singapore's continued engagement through the Joint Technical Committee reflects its commitment to resolve maritime issues through dialogue and legal frameworks. These disputes reflect deeper questions of sovereignty, historical memory and control over vital sea lanes. But they also present an opportunity to transform contested maritime zones into shared spaces of cooperation. Malaysia and Indonesia should consider establishing a joint development authority (JDA) to manage resources and reduce tensions over Ambalat. Similarly, Malaysia and Singapore could explore cooperative arrangements around Middle Rocks and South Ledge, focusing on maritime safety, environmental stewardship and scientific research. Such frameworks — already proven in the Malaysia-Thailand JDA in the Gulf of Thailand — would allow all parties to benefit economically while preserving their legal positions. Importantly, joint development does not require any party to relinquish its claims. Under Article 83 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea , states are encouraged to reach provisional arrangements pending final delimitation. Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore have played pivotal roles in Asean's evolution and have consistently advocated for peaceful dispute resolution and regional stability. Their cooperation on Ambalat and Batu Puteh could serve as a model for other maritime disputes in Southeast Asia, including in the South China Sea. A coordinated initiative involving Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore — each addressing their respective maritime disputes — could serve as a model for broader governance reforms within Asean, strengthening its commitment to pragmatic diplomacy and peaceful resolution. Public discourse in all three countries must focus on collaboration. Parliamentarians, diplomats and civil society leaders should advocate for open dialogue, confidence-building measures and creative legal solutions. The media should frame these disputes as opportunities for partnership. Ambalat and Batu Puteh should be reimagined as foundations for a shared maritime future — where sovereignty concerns are balanced with economic pragmatism and regional solidarity. The establishment of JDAs would not only unlock resource potential but also signal that Southeast Asia is capable of resolving disputes through diplomacy and innovation. During the recent Malaysia-Indonesia Annual Consultation, President Prabowo Subianto reaffirmed Indonesia's commitment to resolving the Ambalat dispute through peaceful means. Both leaders agreed to explore joint development initiatives as they recognise that legal processes may take years. This bilateral momentum reflects a pragmatic approach to diplomacy. On the Batu Puteh front, Singapore has likewise shown its willingness to cooperate. These parallel bilateral engagements — Malaysia with Indonesia over Ambalat, and Malaysia with Singapore over Batu Puteh — signal a commitment to regional stability, peaceful dispute resolution and collaborative maritime governance.

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