
I'm an Indigenous Filmmaker Up for an Oscar. Here's What I Hope Happens Next.
After the discovery, I received a phone call. It was from a friend and former colleague, Emily Kassie, asking if I'd be open to co-directing a documentary about the legacy of the 139 government-funded and church-run boarding schools that operated across Canada and forcibly separated six generations of Indigenous children from their families.
The idea behind the schools, in the words of one of their administrators, was to 'get rid of the Indian problem.' In 2008, the Canadian government established a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to document their destructive legacy, and the commission concluded that these institutions committed a 'cultural genocide' against the country's First Peoples.
The news of the grim discovery in Kamloops hit close to home for me. All my adult life, I'd heard rumors that my father was born at or near one of those residential schools and that he'd been found, just minutes after his birth, abandoned in a dumpster. Those few details were all he or I knew. The silence, shame and guilt that hid this history from broader society rippled across generations of Indigenous families like my own. Our communities continue to suffer from cycles of suicide, addiction and violence, instigated by the experience at these schools.
When Emily, a filmmaker and tenacious investigative journalist who's covered human rights abuses from Afghanistan to Niger, asked me about joining her in documenting the legacy of these schools — a system that most likely nearly took my father's life and remained an unspoken horror for my family — I agonized over the decision.
While I stewed, Emily forged ahead. She'd found an article in The Williams Lake Tribune about Chief Willie Sellars and the Williams Lake First Nation, whose community was about to embark on its own inquiry into a former school down the road from the Sugarcane Indian reserve. Emily wrote the chief an email and the next day he called her back. 'The creator has always had great timing,' Chief Sellars said. 'Just yesterday our council said we needed to document our search.'
Two weeks later, I told her I was open to directing alongside her. That's when she let me know she'd identified a First Nation that was opening its own investigation and that the investigation was happening at St. Joseph's Mission.
There was a long pause on my end of the line. 'That's crazy,' I said. I told her that St. Joseph's was the school where my family was sent and where my father was born nearby and abandoned in a dumpster. 'And that's all I've ever known,' I said.
Out of 139 Indian residential schools across Canada, Emily happened to choose to focus our documentary on the one school my family was taken away to and where my father's life began.
Four years later, that documentary, 'Sugarcane,' is up for an Oscar on Sunday night. The investigation at the heart of our film found evidence that babies born to Native girls, including some fathered by priests, had been adopted or even put in the incinerator at St. Joseph's Mission to be burned with the trash. 'Sugarcane' is, to our knowledge, the first work in any medium to uncover evidence of infanticide at an Indian residential or boarding school in North America. In addition, we learned this was, in part, my father's story. Born to Native parents and found by a nightwatchman after his birth, he is the only known survivor of infanticide at the school.
The findings in our film raise a question: If such things were covered up at one school, what might be true at the other 138 Indian residential schools across Canada? And what remains hidden at the hundreds of Native American boarding schools that operated across the United States — where, unlike in Canada, there has been scant inquiry and even less reckoning with this history?
It's an honor to be the first Indigenous filmmaker from North America to be nominated for an Academy Award. But I better not be the only one for long. Some might see this nomination as historic and proof that Hollywood has come a long way from the time when studios portrayed Indians dying at the hands of swaggering cowboys. That era of western movies coincided with the heyday of the residential schools, which were designed to kill off Indigenous cultures and which led, in some cases, to the death of children themselves.
These foundational chapters in North American history — a cultural genocide that spanned over 150 years — have remained largely obscured and suppressed. Currently, right-wing parties in both Canada and the United States are trying to shroud the historical record. We must redouble our efforts to collect and preserve the memories of the elderly survivors of this system and tell their stories before they're gone and it's too late. Because it can, and is, happening again.
Policies like the separation of families, many of them Indigenous, at the southern American border, along with the return of explicit calls for land grabs and ethnic cleansing, are not imported — they're homegrown. Hollywood, like so many industries, appears on the brink of cowing to revanchist attacks on pluralism and difference.
For most of North American history, Indigenous peoples lived under a devastating form of authoritarianism, confined to impoverished reservations and denigrated as inferior outsiders in the only place we've ever known as home. Through the residential schools, we were even deprived of the right to raise our own children.
But those schools failed. And Indigenous peoples are still here. 'Sugarcane' is a testament to the stories yet to be told — stories of a people who survived a genocide, who have urgent things to say and unique stories to tell. We maintain a way of seeing the world that is deeply familial, communal, spiritual, rooted in place and tradition, and in that sense, human and universal. And we've only begun to tell our stories.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

4 hours ago
Blocked from Bolivia's election, ex-leader Morales not sure how to respond to threats of arrest
LAUCA Ñ, Bolivia -- Bolivia's charismatic, long-serving ex-President Evo Morales told The Associated Press on Saturday that he didn't know what to do about threats by the right-wing presidential candidates to arrest him if they came to power. From his stronghold in Bolivia's tropics of Chapare, where he has been holed up for months under the protection of die-hard supporters, he repeated his call for voters to deface their ballots in Sunday's high-stakes elections in defiance of the race from which he is barred due to a contentious constitutional court ruling. 'What are we going to do? Not even I know,' he said in response to questions about how he would respond if either of the right-wing front-runners, multimillionaire businessman Samuel Doria Medina and former president Jorge 'Tuto' Quiroga, wins the presidential election and fulfills their threats to arrest him. 'I am in the crosshairs of of the right-wing empire.' Morales, 65, was charged last year with human trafficking and accused of impregnating a 15-year-old girl when he was president. While he has not outright denied having sexual relations with the underage girl, he has described the charges as politically motivated. A judge issued the arrest order as he and his former finance minister, President Luis Arce, bickered over the control of their long-dominant Movement Toward Socialism Party. As a result of their bitter power struggle, the party splintered. With the Bolivian economy undergoing its worst crisis in around four decades, the implosion of the MAS party has given the right-wing opposition its best shot at winning at the ballot box since Morales first came to power in 2006. 'Look, it's an election without legality, without legitimacy .... without the Indigenous movement, without the popular movement,' Morales, Bolivia's first Indigenous president, contended in his interview with the AP at his political organization's headquarters, where he broadcasts a weekly radio show. The null-and-void vote, he said, 'isn't just a vote for our political movement.' 'It's a protest vote, a vote of anger." He insulted Doria Medina and Quiroga, who have both run for president three times before, losing at least twice to Morales, as 'eternal losers.' Citing widespread voter disillusionment with the options, he expressed confidence that the election outcome would reveal an unusually high proportion of invalid votes. 'No one is going to win. It will be the spoiled vote, which is Evo's vote,' he said, speaking in third person.
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Yahoo
Washington DC Sues Trump, Calling Police Takeover Illegal
(Bloomberg) -- Washington DC is asking a federal court to immediately block the Trump administration's effort to take over the city's police force, saying that the move is illegal and risks public safety. The US-Canadian Road Safety Gap Is Getting Wider Festivals and Parades Are Canceled Amid US Immigration Anxiety To Head Off Severe Storm Surges, Nova Scotia Invests in 'Living Shorelines' Five Years After Black Lives Matter, Brussels' Colonial Statues Remain For Homeless Cyclists, Bikes Bring an Escape From the Streets The lawsuit filed by Washington's Attorney General Brian Schwalb on Friday follows an escalation between city officials and the Justice Department over President Donald Trump's moves to take control of the Metropolitan Police Department and deploy hundreds of National Guard troops to the nation's capital. The complaint, which was filed in Washington federal court, alleged that Trump exceeded the authority granted by Congress in taking those steps. City officials also asked a judge Friday to block the federal government from assuming control of the metropolitan police force or issuing any further orders. 'The administration's unlawful actions are an affront to the dignity and autonomy of the 700,000 Americans who call DC home,' said Schwalb in a statement issued by the Washington Attorney General's Office. 'We are fighting to stop it.' The White House and the Justice Department didn't immediately respond to requests for comment. Trump cited a 'crime emergency' in exercising rarely-used presidential powers to ramp up the federal presence in Washington's local affairs, even though recent data — including from the Justice Department — show sharply declining crime rates. Tensions between city officials and Attorney General Pam Bondi flared Thursday when DC Mayor Muriel Bowser and Schwalb rejected an order from Bondi that would strip the Metropolitan Police Department's chief of her authority and place the agency under federal control. Bondi's directive named the head of the Drug Enforcement Administration, Terrence Cole, as 'emergency police commissioner' giving him the full powers of the city's police chief. The missive orders Washington's police leaders to seek Cole's approval before issuing directives, rescinds several department orders and instructs officers to fully enforce laws against blocking streets and occupying public spaces. In her order, Bondi criticized the city's sanctuary policies for shielding criminals who are in the US illegally 'from the consequences of federal law.' The DC attorney general's lawsuit warned that Bondi's order would upend the command structure of the local police and 'sow chaos among the more than 3,100 officers serving the District, endangering the safety of the public and law enforcement officers alike.' Washington has a unique relationship with the federal government. Congress passed a law in 1973, known as the Home Rule Act, that empowers the city to elect its own leaders and run its own day-to-day affairs. But the district is still subject to congressional oversight, its local judges are nominated by the president and confirmed by the US Senate, and the US attorney's office handles a large proportion of local prosecutions. The home rule law includes a section that allows the president to exercise control over the city's police force if 'special conditions of an emergency nature exist.' The takeover can last as many as 30 days, at which point it can only continue if Congress votes to approve the extension. The president also controls the city's National Guard reserve force, another dynamic that sets it apart from states. Washington's lawsuit alleged that Trump doesn't have the authority to 'seize command and control over the police force himself,' but can only require the mayor to offer assistance from the police in 'certain emergency circumstances.' The city also argued that Trump's use of rising crime as a reason to assert his authority was so sweeping that it 'would undermine Congress's decision to transfer control for day-to-day governance of the city to locally elected and accountable leaders.' Bowser supports statehood for the district and has pushed back on Republican calls to repeal the home rule law and federalize the city. Still, she's sought to avoid an aggressively adversarial relationship with the White House during Trump's second term. Bowser said her administration has complied with the DC Home Rule Act's requirement to provide police services for federal purposes during a declared emergency but added, 'there is no statute that conveys the District's personnel authority to a federal official.' Schwalb has taken a confrontational approach, releasing a statement calling Trump's actions 'unprecedented, unnecessary, and unlawful.' He sent a letter to Washington Police Chief Pamela Smith dated Aug. 14 saying that in his opinion Bondi's order 'is unlawful, and that you are not legally obligated to follow it.' --With assistance from Kate Sullivan. (Updates with details from the complaint.) Americans Are Getting Priced Out of Homeownership at Record Rates What Declining Cardboard Box Sales Tell Us About the US Economy Bessent on Tariffs, Deficits and Embracing Trump's Economic Plan Dubai's Housing Boom Is Stoking Fears of Another Crash Twitter's Ex-CEO Is Moving Past His Elon Musk Drama and Starting an AI Company ©2025 Bloomberg L.P.


USA Today
2 days ago
- USA Today
Feds seek death penalty for Seattle woman linked to cultlike 'Zizian' group murder
The filing represents one of the first examples of the Trump administration's push to more aggressively seek the death penalty. Federal prosecutors are seeking to execute a Seattle woman accused of fatally shooting a U.S. Border Patrol agent in January, an incident tied to multiple other deaths linked to the cultlike "Zizian" group. In an Aug. 14 court filing, Department of Justice attorneys said they are pursuing the death penalty for Theresa Youngblut for the murder of agent David Maland near the Canadian border in Vermont on Jan. 20. Border Patrol agents shot and killed Youngblut's companion during a confrontation that followed a traffic stop. "We will not stand for such attacks on the men and women who protect our communities and our borders," acting Assistant Attorney General Matthew R. Galeotti said in a statement announcing the decision. The filing represents one of the first examples of the Trump administration's push to aggressively seek the death penalty in cases involving federal agents. Youngblut's attorneys previously argued they needed more time to prepare for a death-penalty case, but a judge said prosecutors could proceed. According to authorities, federal agents had been suspicious of Maland and her companion, Ophelia Bauckholt, for several days as they traveled around northern Vermont. Both were wearing tactical gear and openly carrying guns, which is legal but unusual in Vermont. Additionally Bauckholt, who was transgender, was visiting the United States on a visa from Germany, and was listed as a man on immigration paperwork. Federal officials continue to refer to Bauckholt as a man. In a new indictment accompanying the death-penalty filing, federal officials said Border Patrol agents stopped Youngblut's Toyota Prius and were approaching the vehicle when she and Bauckholt got out. Youngblut began firing immediately, investigators said, and Bauckholt was killed before she could fire. The confrontation between Youngblut and Border Patrol agents appears connected to a series of deaths nationwide related to the cultlike "Zizan" group, which is also being investigated in California, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. Earlier this year, a grand jury indicted the Zizian group's namesake, Jack "Ziz" LaSota, on weapons charges. And a man who Youngblut was planning to marry was arrested Jan. 24 in connection with the Jan. 17 slaying of a California landlord, according to court records. A longtime Vermont defense attorney familiar with the case previously told USA TODAY he believes Youngblut opened fire on the Border Patrol agents because she thought they knew about the California murder three days earlier. Federal prosecutors have not yet indicated what they believe motivated Youngblut.