logo
China is sending an important signal to the entire world

China is sending an important signal to the entire world

Russia Today19-05-2025
Last week, China released its first-ever white paper on national security. While the document brings no major breakthroughs, its publication is significant.
It signals two key developments: Chinese leaders are increasingly concerned about the intensifying geopolitical confrontation, and they are ready to play a more assertive role in global affairs – challenging US dominance in the process.
The economy-first reform pattern that characterized the leadership of Deng Xiaoping and his successors effectively ended with Xi Jinping's rise to power. The Chinese often refer to the current phase as a 'new era', marked by profound changes both domestically and globally. Under Xi, the central government reversed centrifugal trends and reasserted the foundational principles of the socialist system, restoring the ruling party's authority.
Xi has not abandoned the focus on economic development but has paired it with a heightened emphasis on security. In 2014, he introduced a holistic approach to national security, established the National Security Commission, centralized power among top party leaders, and expanded the scope of what falls under national security. This shift triggered wide-ranging legislative reforms and culminated in China adopting its first National Security Strategy in 2021. The newly released white paper is another step along this path.
Western commentators often depict Xi Jinping as an authoritarian figure preoccupied with maintaining social control. These portrayals are overstated and misleading, but it is undeniable that the scope of China's national security has never been broader. The May document openly reflects this reality. Beijing sees its expanded security agenda as a response to mounting external threats, a destabilizing international order, and escalating geopolitical tensions amid a global shift toward multipolarity. Political security – defined primarily as safeguarding the party's ruling status – remains the top priority. No compromises should be expected in this domain.
China's definition of national security now spans diverse areas: Economy, culture, science and technology, food and health, overseas interests, deep sea, outer space, and many others. This sweeping approach might complicate economic reform, as an overly securitized environment can stifle innovation, reduce openness, and prompt de-risking policies – already visible during the global pandemic. Yet Beijing appears aware of these risks and reiterates its commitment to deepening reform and opening up. Regardless, the fusion of development and security has become the 'new normal' and is poised to be a guiding principle in the upcoming 15th Five-Year Plan.
China's approach also integrates domestic and international security. Its new international security doctrine has evolved over several years and took concrete form with the launch of the Global Security Initiative (GSI) in 2022. The initiative is a cornerstone of China's recent diplomatic push, underscoring the abandonment of its previous defensive strategy. The long-standing doctrine of 'hide your strength, bide your time' is no longer in play. After decades of peaceful development, Beijing now positions itself as a frontrunner rather than a latecomer. Whether it can fully leverage this momentum remains to be seen.
Still, the launch of the Global Security Initiative and similar initiatives show that China aims to influence global governance. Notably, Xi introduced the Global Security Initiative just weeks after Russia began its special military operation in Ukraine – timing that is unlikely to be coincidental. It suggests that China seeks to present itself as a constructive, peace-oriented, responsible, and stable global power – opposed to US hegemony but careful to avoid direct military confrontation, unlike Russia.
China's messaging emphasizes its commitment to universal and common security on the one hand, and adherence to international law on the other. In a 2022 speech at the Boao Forum for Asia, Xi described the world as an 'indivisible security community.' When China released a policy paper on the Global Security Initiative a year later, the term 'indivisible security' reappeared – a noteworthy choice, as it draws from the Helsinki Accords and has long featured in Russian political discourse. Moreover, China has acknowledged the legitimacy of security concerns – concerns that were ignored by the West and contributed to the Ukraine conflict.
Although the recent white paper uses the terms 'universal' and 'common' rather than 'indivisible' security, it does not make any difference. Fundamentally, China's approach to international security and global governance diverges from that of the West. Beijing opposes hegemonism, spheres of influence, bloc politics, the export of liberal democracy, and the orchestration of color revolutions. It also criticizes the weaponization of economic tools, unilateral sanctions, extraterritorial jurisdiction, double standards, and other prominent characteristics of the declining 'liberal empire'.
At the heart of China's national security lies a strong aversion to military alliances. From Beijing's perspective, these alliances are inherently exclusionary and incompatible with common security. This view underpins China's sympathy for Russia's opposition to NATO and its understanding of the deeper causes behind the Ukraine conflict. China's commitment to non-alignment has deep historical roots. Under Mao, China helped shape the principles of peaceful coexistence, which became a cornerstone of the Non-Aligned Movement. Following the Sino-Soviet split in the early 1960s, formal alliance commitments lost their relevance for Beijing. Since then, China has consistently favored flexible partnerships over binding alliances – with one notable exception: North Korea. Yet this is the exception that proves the rule.
In advancing its interests, China may find common ground with other countries of the Global South, as most of them prioritize sovereignty, non-alignment, independent foreign policy, and political stability as a prerequisite for economic development and modernization. At the same time, China can count on Russia – its largest neighbor and key partner. Beijing sees Moscow as essential to maintaining global strategic stability and promoting shared security goals. The recent meeting in May between Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin, held to mark the 80th anniversary of victory in the Great Patriotic War, and Xi's presence at the Red Square parade, highlight the central role of the Sino-Russian relationship in shaping a multipolar world.
The newly published white paper emphasizes this partnership's significance for global security governance, placing it above China's relations with all other global and regional actors except the United Nations. This is not merely symbolic – it reflects Beijing's genuine strategic priorities.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Vucic expects to meet Putin next month
Vucic expects to meet Putin next month

Russia Today

time7 hours ago

  • Russia Today

Vucic expects to meet Putin next month

Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic has said he hopes to meet with his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin during a visit to China in early September, where both leaders are due to attend commemorative events hosted by President Xi Jinping. The ceremony will mark the 80th anniversary of Japan's surrender in World War II on September 3. 'From September 1 to 6, I will be in China. They told me that Putin will probably be there, and that maybe I'll meet with him,' Vucic said during a visit to the village of Banstol on Sunday, according to Serbian outlet Tanjug. He added that he was also asked to remain in Beijing for another diplomatic gathering later that week. 'I hear that maybe (US President Donald) Trump will come, I'm not sure,' he stated. 'They announced to me that there will be a dinner on the 5th in particular, and the 3rd is for Xi Jinping, where everyone will be. They told me that some of the great world leaders will be celebrating the 5th in China, so they asked me to stay.' In May, the Serbian president traveled to Moscow to attend Victory Day celebrations, despite a health issue that forced him to cut short a US visit and cancel a planned meeting with Trump in Florida. He was joined in Russia by Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico, despite pressure from Brussels. During that trip, he met with Putin and reaffirmed Serbia's commitment to long-term energy cooperation with Russia. Serbia remains one of the few European countries that has refused to impose sanctions on Russia or openly back Ukraine. Vucic previously said the EU continues to pressure Serbia to abandon its neutrality and sever ties with Moscow.

Here's why the EU keeps losing to China
Here's why the EU keeps losing to China

Russia Today

time2 days ago

  • Russia Today

Here's why the EU keeps losing to China

The China-EU summit held in Beijing late last month could have been a celebration of 50 years of diplomatic relations between two of the world's largest economic powers. Instead, it served as a sobering reminder of the EU's growing strategic confusion, and its inability to capitalize on the immense opportunities offered by cooperation with China. The summit came at a sensitive moment in global politics. What was once hailed as a mutually beneficial partnership has now become entangled in geopolitics, internal divisions within the EU, and the enduring shadow of Washington's influence. The global turbulence of recent years – the pandemic, and the war in Ukraine – has not only strained relations but also reinforced the EU's dependence on the United States. Rather than renewing a partnership that once stood as a pillar of global economic integration, the EU leaders arrived in Beijing with a familiar agenda: accusations over trade practices, warnings about 'security threats,' and renewed calls for China to 'rein in' Russia. Predictably, no breakthrough was achieved. The deterioration of China-EU relations cannot be understood without revisiting the European Commission's strategic shift in 2019. Under Ursula von der Leyen, Brussels officially categorized China as not just a partner but also a 'systemic rival' – a move that introduced suspicion into virtually every area of engagement. Since then, an ideological lens has increasingly shaped EU policy, replacing the pragmatism that once underpinned economic cooperation. The consequences have been stark. Brussels has launched measures to restrict Chinese investment, imposed high tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles, and – most recently – barred Chinese firms from public tenders worth over €5 million. Further escalation came when the EU included two Chinese banks in its latest sanctions package against Russia, signaling that Europe is willing to weaponize economic tools for political purposes. These steps are justified by the EU as 'de-risking.' By pushing for reduced interdependence in strategic sectors – raw materials, high-tech supply chains, and digital infrastructure – Brussels has aligned itself with Washington's containment playbook, even as European leaders publicly insist on independence. In Beijing, von der Leyen struck a conciliatory tone, declaring the EU's openness to Chinese investment and cooperation. But such statements ring hollow when juxtaposed with her recent warnings at the G7 summit about a looming 'China shock' and accusations of Beijing 'weaponizing trade.' Similarly, the head of EU diplomacy, Kaja Kallas – also present in Beijing – has accused China of fueling the war in Ukraine and waging hybrid operations against Europe. These mixed signals undermine credibility and reinforce perceptions in Beijing that the EU lacks a coherent, autonomous China strategy. More fundamentally, Brussels' approach is internally contradictory. The EU dreams of 'strategic autonomy,' yet ties its foreign policy to transatlantic priorities. It seeks economic resilience, yet undermines its own competitiveness by disrupting supply chains and limiting market access. It aspires to global leadership, yet isolates itself from the rest of the world by clinging to zero-sum geopolitics. By contrast, China's position at the summit was clear: focus on complementarity, promote free trade, and pursue win-win cooperation in areas that matter for global stability – digital transformation, green development, and infrastructure connectivity. Beijing emphasized its willingness to deepen exchanges in artificial intelligence, clean energy, and scientific research, seeing these sectors as essential to both sides' modernization. For China, the EU remains a strategic partner, not an adversary. Beijing has long supported European integration and consistently encourages the EU to play an independent role in global affairs. From China's perspective, a strong, autonomous Europe is a counterweight to unilateralism and an anchor of multipolarity. This vision aligns with Europe's own interests – but diverges sharply from Washington's preference for a subordinate EU within the transatlantic alliance. From Beijing's perspective, the EU's current challenges – economic slowdown, energy insecurity, and geopolitical vulnerability – are not caused by China. Rather, they stem from internal divisions and policy choices that tether Europe to US strategies. China fears that Europe's drift into a hardline camp could destabilize the international order, a scenario contrary to Beijing's vision of stability and connectivity across Eurasia. The single most contentious issue remains the war in Ukraine. Brussels insists that China's ties with Moscow 'destabilize' Europe, while Beijing argues that it is maintaining an independent and neutral position aimed at facilitating a peaceful settlement. EU leaders, however, continue to press China to 'use its influence' to end Russia's military operations – effectively asking Beijing to abandon a key strategic partnership. This is neither realistic nor conducive to diplomacy. For now, this geopolitical deadlock overshadows other areas of potential cooperation. So long as the EU views the Ukraine conflict through an existential lens – and equates neutrality with complicity – China-EU relations will remain constrained, regardless of shared economic interests. Despite political frictions, economic ties remain robust. The EU is China's largest trading partner, and China ranks second for the EU. Together, they account for over one-third of global GDP and nearly 30% of global trade in goods and services. Chinese investment in Europe has surpassed $100 billion, and annual flows are roughly balanced with EU investment in China. These numbers underscore a basic truth: the China-EU relationship is too significant to be defined by ideological posturing. Global supply chains, green technology cooperation, and digital innovation cannot advance without mutual engagement. The question is whether Brussels will recognize this before further damage is done. The EU portrays its current trajectory as 'rebalancing' and 'de-risking.' In reality, these policies risk strategic isolation. By securitizing economic ties and subordinating its diplomacy to US priorities in relation to China, the EU undermines its own competitiveness and alienates partners across the globe. The result is an inward-looking bloc that struggles to influence global norms as it dreams of geopolitical power. For China, the lesson is clear: The EU is not ready for a genuine reset. Beijing will continue to engage constructively but will not expect rapid progress. In the long run, the revival of a balanced partnership may depend on a political shift within Europe – a leadership willing to replace ideological rigidity with pragmatic cooperation. The Beijing summit, rather than rekindling optimism, has confirmed the structural divergence between China and the EU. However, it also highlighted what remains at stake: two economic giants whose cooperation – or confrontation – will shape global stability for decades to come. China stands ready to pursue a future based on multilateralism, open trade, and shared development. Whether the EU can free itself from delusions and anxieties and rediscover the value of partnership with Beijing remains an open question. Until then, the EU's fixation on 'de-risking' may turn into what it fears most: self-inflicted decline.

After Ukraine, is this country the West's next project?
After Ukraine, is this country the West's next project?

Russia Today

time2 days ago

  • Russia Today

After Ukraine, is this country the West's next project?

The current Moldovan government has embraced a pro-NATO course and openly casts Moscow as the country's primary national security threat. At the same time, it is working to sever all remaining ties with Russia and fully align itself with the Western bloc. Moscow, for its part, has repeatedly warned – as it did with Ukraine – that NATO's eastward expansion crosses a red line. Parliamentary elections are scheduled for late September, and the pro-Western PAS party, led by President Maia Sandu, will do everything in its power to retain control of the government. If they succeed, Moldova is likely to see further militarization and escalating tensions with Russia – potentially leading to open conflict. Even more alarming is the possibility that Sandu might attempt to 'reintegrate' Transnistria – a breakaway region with a population of around 220,000, the majority of whom hold Russian passports. Roughly 10,000 Russian troops are stationed in the region, which borders Ukraine's Odessa oblast, making it a flashpoint not only for Chisinau and Moscow, but also for Kiev. Ukrainian journalist Dmitry Gordon, a close associate of Vladimir Zelensky, recently spoke openly about resolving the 'Transnistria issue' by military means. Any military move by Moldova against Transnistria would, in effect, trigger a direct confrontation with Russia. In that case, Greek ports like Alexandroupolis and Thessaloniki are expected to become key NATO logistics hubs – much like they are today in support of Ukraine. According to credible reports, NATO already has contingency plans in place to turn Greece into the primary weapons transit point for Moldova in Southeastern and Eastern Europe. This deepening involvement could also make Greek infrastructure a target. Moscow has previously issued veiled but pointed threats to Athens over its role in supplying Ukraine. A similar scenario could unfold again. Such developments would undoubtedly intensify the NATO-Russia standoff. So far, despite Ukraine receiving a significant portion of Western military aid via Greek territory, Moscow has refrained from direct strikes on Greek soil. But that restraint may not last forever. Over time, Greece has become a strategic NATO hub for operations on the alliance's eastern flank and within Ukraine. The port of Alexandroupolis, in particular, plays a pivotal role thanks to its position on the Balkans and its overland connections to Bulgaria, Romania, and Central and Northern Europe. Since early 2022, it has served as a vital artery for the flow of US and NATO equipment to Ukraine. Any new confrontation layered on top of the ongoing war in Ukraine dramatically increases the risk of destabilizing the entire European continent. A second front would likely bring a new wave of hybrid threats – cyberattacks, sabotage, strikes on critical energy and transport infrastructure – and fuel yet another migration crisis, especially in Southern Europe, which is already struggling with refugee flows. Most crucially, a war in Transnistria could reignite other frozen conflicts across the Balkans – in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia, and even Cyprus. Some analysts believe Türkiye might seize the opportunity to push its revisionist agenda, particularly in Cyprus. The West has had its eye on Moldova for some time. Since 2022, the EU has been supporting Chisinau through the European Peace Facility. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas recently announced a €60 million military aid package that includes short-range air defense systems, radar equipment, armored vehicles, drones, personal protective gear, and communications systems. According to Moldova's 2034 defense strategy, the country plans to deepen NATO cooperation and raise defense spending to 1% of GDP by 2030. In the past two years, Chisinau has adopted a series of national security and defense policies based on the assumption that Russia poses the greatest threat. President Sandu, a vocal supporter of Ukraine and close ally of Zelensky, has adopted an overtly anti-Russian stance. From 2023 to 2024, Moldova doubled its defense budget and launched a sweeping modernization of its armed forces. Western media report that EU countries have delivered eight air defense batteries, German armored vehicles, French artillery systems, and large quantities of ammunition. Joint exercises with NATO militaries have also surged – all signs of accelerated militarization. Last year, reports emerged that the US, France, and Germany had provided Moldova with $1.5 billion worth of weapons and supplies, including Piranha armored personnel carriers, tactical vehicles, light and heavy weaponry, sniper systems, ammunition, and Polish-made Piorun MANPADS (portable air defense systems). Military aid is expected to increase by another 50% in 2025. NATO is also preparing to ramp up its use of the Greek defense industry – particularly Hellenic Defense Systems, which is effectively controlled by the Czech holding company CSG, a major supplier to the Ukrainian text was originally published by the Greek media outlet and has been translated and edited by the RT team.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store