
Vice President Dhankar Faints While Attending Nainital University Programme
Nainital:
Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar fainted on Wednesday while attending the Golden Jubilee celebrations of the Kumaon University here.
As the Vice President stepped down from the dais after delivering his speech, he approached his former parliamentary colleague, Mahendra Singh Pal, who was seated in the audience.
Pal, an advocate in the High Court of Uttarakhand, served as a Lok Sabha MP in 1989 when Jagdeep Dhankhar was also an MP from Jhunjhunu in Rajasthan.
Both men appeared to become emotional upon seeing each other.
After talking to each other for a while, Dhankar embraced Pal and appeared to pass out on his shoulders.
Noticing something was wrong, the medical team accompanying the Vice President quickly responded and brought him back to consciousness.
Jagdeep Dhankhar soon recovered and proceeded to the Raj Bhawan, where he would spend the night.
The Vice President began his three-day visit to Nainital on Wednesday.

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The Print
an hour ago
- The Print
50 yrs since Emergency, Congress's journey from justification to admission of ‘mistake'
'When elections were held (in 1980), she returned to power. People were in no mood to rake up the past. The Congress came back with a nearly two-thirds majority,' Kharge told a press conference, echoing a line many party leaders have taken over the years when confronted with the Emergency's uncomfortable legacy. 'They (BJP) put her in the dock over the Emergency, but she acknowledged it was a mistake and also apologised,' Kharge said Wednesday, noting that the former prime minister even voted in favour of the 44th Amendment, which reversed many constitutional changes introduced during the Emergency. New Delhi: On the 50th anniversary of the Emergency declaration, Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge said that Indira Gandhi had admitted the imposition of the Emergency was a 'mistake' for which she had apologised to the people. However, flipping through the pages of history reveals a more nuanced picture. Until Rahul Gandhi's unequivocal admission in 2021 that the Emergency was a mistake, no Congress leader had explicitly apologised for its imposition without qualifiers. Kharge's claim that Indira Gandhi had called it a mistake appears to be a reference to her January 1978 'apology'—which addressed the 'excesses' committed during the 21-month period, but not the act of imposing it itself. In a 1978 interview to Jonathan Dimbleby of UK-based Thames Television, Indira had, in fact, defended her decision, saying it was needed as her political rivals 'were destroying democracy.' 'Because they felt they could not win an election, they said we must take the battle to the streets. Morarji Desai is on record in an interview having said 'we are going to surround the PM house, the parliament, and we will see that no business is done'. … Another member of the opposition, now a minister, said if we cannot win by the ballot we will win by the bullet…India would not have survived. It was as serious as a war period,' Indira said. Her son Rajiv Gandhi, who took over as the prime minister following her assassination in 1984, also employed similar arguments in defending her move when the issue came up in the Lok Sabha on 23 July, 1985. That day, Rajiv, who had a brute majority of 414 seats in the Lok Sabha, found himself cornered in Parliament, with opposition leaders pressing for an adjournment motion to discuss the 'possibility of a proclamation' of a fresh Emergency in the country. Despite Speaker Balram Jakhar rejecting the demand, stating there was no basis for it, socialist leader Madhu Dandavate, along with CPI leader Indrajit Gupta and a few other opposition MPs, compelled Rajiv to intervene. Dandavate argued that certain remarks made by the Prime Minister at a press conference earlier that month had 'created apprehensions about the possibility of a proclamation of Emergency in the country.' With Jakhar struggling to restore order in the House, Rajiv stood up. 'I will answer that,' he said. His subsequent remarks—recorded in the official Parliament proceedings—are telling. 'I was asked a very specific question. One, whether I thought the Emergency when it was proclaimed in 1975 was correct? I said 'yes', I think it is correct and I stand by that statement,' Rajiv said. 'The second part of the question I was asked was 'if conditions similar to those in 1975 were to repeat themselves would I do the same thing?' My answer was that it was highly unlikely that any given set of conditions can repeat themselves. I said that 'if conditions do occur that require an emergency to be proclaimed, I will not hesitate to proclaim an Emergency',' he said. He argued that there was no bigger danger in any country than a 'vacillating government'. 'And that was the type of government we had when you were sitting on this side. That is why you are afraid to talk about the Emergency. There is nothing wrong with an emergency if it is applied when it is required. The Constitution tells us when it is required,' Rajiv said, invoking Indira's return to power in 1980. 'The ultimate people whom the Prime Minister is responsible to are the people of India. And the people of India will decide what they want, irrespective of what the honourable member might feel. And in 1980, they realised their mistake!' Months later, addressing a session of the All India Congress Committee (AICC) in Mumbai (then Bombay), Rajiv once again justified the imposition of Emergency, stating that it was imposed to 'meet an unprecedented threat to the nation's stability'. The move, he said, boosted India's socio-economic development. 'The process of socio-economic change gathered momentum with the promulgation of the bold and dynamic 20 Point Programme. A democrat to the core of her being, Indiraji called elections in 1977. She accepted the verdict of the people who defeated her and the Congress. She knew it was an angry reaction to some mistakes that had been committed, but that the people were still with her and with the Congress…,' he said. In 2004, in an interview to ThePrint founder and editor-in-chief Shekhar Gupta, who was then the editor of The Indian Express, Sonia Gandhi said that the very fact that Indira called elections in 1977 was a sign that she had a rethink on the Emergency. 'I think she did think that it was a mistake. Because don't forget that at least the Indira Gandhi I knew was a democrat at heart, to the core. And I think circumstances compelled her to take that action but she was never quite at ease with it,' she said, adding that it was a lesson that no future government should repeat any such measure. However, that statement came with the caveat: 'Those were different times.' Also Read: Rajnath, Shivraj & Javadekar. How jail term during Emergency shaped leaders of today's BJP What Pranab, Manmohan & Rahul said In his 2014 book, 'The Dramatic Decade: The Indira Gandhi Years', former president and the late Congress stalwart, Pranab Mukherjee, claimed that Emergency brought 'discipline in public life', a growing economy, controlled inflation, a reversed trade deficit for the first time, enhanced developmental expenditure and a crackdown on tax evasion and smuggling but 'it was perhaps an avoidable event'. 'Suspension of fundamental rights and political activity, including trade union activity, large scale arrests of political leaders and activists, press censorship, and extending the life of legislatures by not conducting elections were some instances of Emergency adversely affecting the interests of the people. The Congress and Indira Gandhi had to pay a heavy price for this misadventure,' wrote Mukherjee. Former prime minister Manmohan Singh, who died in December 2024, is also quoted in his daughter Daman Singh's book 'Strictly Personal: Manmohan and Gursharan' that 'some good things happened' during the Emergency but 'the atmosphere in the whole country was one of fear. There were arbitrary arrests and detentions.' It was only in March 2021 that Rahul Gandhi, in an interaction at Cornell University in the US, said that what happened during that period was 'wrong' and that his grandmother's decision was a mistake. 'I think that was a mistake. Absolutely, that was a mistake. And my grandmother said as much,' Rahul said, when asked about his thoughts. But, he promptly added that there was a fundamental difference between what happened during the Emergency and the prevailing situation in the country. 'The Congress party at no point attempted to capture India's institutional framework and frankly, the Congress party does not even have that capability. Our design does not allow us that and even if we want, we cannot do it,' Rahul said. (Edited by Tony Rai) Also Read: 50 years since Emergency: How judges, lawyers enabled & resisted Indira Gandhi's crackdown


Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Justice Sinha held Indira guilty of using govt official, machinery in poll campaign
With this address to the nation through the All India Radio on June 25, 1975, the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi proclaimed Emergency in the country. This was just 13 days after Justice Jagmohan Lal Sinha of Allahabad high court, in a momentous verdict, declared her election from Rae Bareli in 1971 Lok Sabha polls null and void, and disqualified her from holding any public office for six years. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now In his verdict, Justice Sinha found Indira Gandhi guilty of electoral malpractices on just two counts, rejecting a majority of charges levelled against her by her opponent in the 1971 election -- Raj Narain. Congress (R), the newly floated party, led by Indira Gandhi, had registered a landslide win in the 1971 elections -- 352 out of the 518 seats in the lower house. Indira herself won from Rae Bareli on March 10, defeating Raj Narain, the Samyukta Socialist Party candidate, by 1.1 lakh votes. However, feisty Raj Narain filed an election petition before the Allahabad high court within 45 days, challenging the election of Indira Gandhi, who was now the prime minister. Justice Sinha upheld the plea against Indira Gandhi on the basis of just two findings. He rejected a majority of charges levelled against her by her opponent. Charges Upheld 1. Use of govt official as an election agent Yashpal Kapur was her election agent for the Rae Bareli election. But he was also a Govt of India officer -- an OSD in the PM secretariat. Although he had resigned from his the PM office on Jan 13, 1971 and the secretariat issued a notification in this regard on Jan 25, 1971, the prosecution was able to prove that Kapur had delivered an election speech in favour of Indira Gandhi on Jan 7, 1971 at Munshi Ganj and another speech at Kalan on Jan 19, 1971, much before he was officially relieved from the PMO. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The court concluded that Gandhi obtained and procured the assistance of Kapur for the furtherance of her election prospects when he was serving as a gazetted officer with the government. This was in violation of Section 123(7) of the RP Act, Justice Sinha said. 2. Used Govt Machinery To Set Up Stage For Rally The second finding against Indira was that her election agent Yashpal Kapur, the DM of Rae Bareli, the superintendent of police and the home secretary of UP government arranged for rostrums, loudspeakers and barricades to be set up and for members of the police force to be posted in connection with her election tour on Feb 1 and Feb 25, 1971. This, the court said, amounted to a corrupt practice under Section 123(7) of the RP Act. Charges Dropped 1. Use of Armed Forces For campaigning It was alleged that at the instance of Gandhi, Air Force planes and helicopters had been arranged for her to enable her to address election meetings on two occasions. Justice Sinha turned down the charge. 2. Distribution of quilts, blankets, liquor It was alleged that quilts, blankets, dhotis and liquor were distributed by her agents and workers among voters. This allegation was also not upheld by the High Court. 3. Poll symbol – Cow politics It was argued that the Congress (R) symbol -- cow and calf -- was a religious symbol and an appeal to vote for the same amounted to an appeal vote based on religion. The HC, however, said that a cow and a calf are not religious symbols. 4. Election Expenses Indira Gandhi claimed she spent Rs. 12,892. Raj Narain was of the contention that she had spent Rs 1,28,700. He also claimed that Indira Gandhi spent Rs 1,32,000 for construction of rostrums for public meetings. The HC came to the conclusion that her total expenditure was Rs 31,976, beloe the precribed limit of Rs 35,000. SC's Partial Stay Indira Gandhi challenged the HC verdict in the Supreme Court, which allowed a partial stay on June 24, 1971. Indira Gandhi wanted a total stay on the HC order. The apex court order didn't satisfy her. A day later, she made the proclamation about the Emergency.


The Hindu
2 hours ago
- The Hindu
Enabling voting rights for migrants
Bihar, a State with one of the largest out-migration populations in India, is going to the polls later this year. This time, again a significant proportion of the State's population will be unable to exercise their franchise. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, voter turnout in Bihar was 56%, significantly lower than the national average of 66%. Since more than half the households in Bihar are exposed to migration in some form, a likely factor to have significantly influenced low voter turnout was the large migrant population, which was unable to return home to vote. Patterns of migration In 2021, the overall migration rate in India was 28.9%. A significant portion of migration in India is for marriage, especially among women. Around 10%, however, migrate for work. This number is significantly higher in certain northern and eastern States such as Bihar. With an ever-increasing number of migrants travelling from poorer to richer areas in search of employment, the number of those effectively disenfranchised will only increase, unless mechanisms are put in place to facilitate voting by migrants. In an attempt to solve the issue, public discussions have been held. The Election Commission of India (ECI) put forth a concrete proposal in 2024. But no single mechanism for voting for migrants has been implemented. Different kinds of policies and mechanisms are needed to enable voting for different kinds of migrants (intra and inter-State migrants). Intra-State migrants (around 85% of migrants) working in the informal sector could be encouraged to travel relatively shorter distances to vote in their original place of residence. However, they would need a measure of support from the government. Stricter enforcement of the statutory holiday on polling day would ensure that these workers are able to travel to vote without loss of wages. Special bus services could also be scheduled on the eve of and on polling day. Different mechanisms Inter-State migrants working in the informal sector are a large, growing and vulnerable population and need a different set of voting mechanisms. Three possibilities can be explored for this section. The first is an option designed to cater to the large population of migrants in irregular and low-paying jobs, such as in the construction sector. Workers in these jobs may not have permanent residences with address proofs. In 2023, the ECI showcased a pilot project of remote electronic voting machines (RVMs). Each of these was an EVM modified to cater to up to 72 constituencies. Political parties objected to this project. They said there was ambiguity over its functioning. They also cited issues such as problems in identification of migrants and the Code of Conduct being in place in the constituency where the migrant was residing. The project also appeared to be administratively difficult to implement at scale: when a large State with a large out-migration population goes to the polls, migrants from the State who currently reside across the country would be required to notify the ECI months in advance so that the ECI can make the necessary arrangements on polling day. If the ECI finds that in a given city, there are migrants from all 243 constituencies of Bihar, it would need to set up at least four RVMs across the city. The administrative difficulties would only be compounded during the Lok Sabha elections. As complex and challenging as the RVM proposal seems, it was the first major attempt by the ECI to facilitate voting for migrants. With more consultation and fine-tuning, this system could benefit many. Another option is postal ballots. This system is already being implemented by the ECI for members of the armed forces. An extension of this model could help many migrants. Here, too, the ECI would require migrants to register with the body well in advance, so the postal ballots can be issued. Operationally, this appears to be the easier form of remote voting to implement. However, the ECI would have to organise registration, issue ballot papers, and despatch these ballots to counting centres after voting — all major administrative efforts. The last option — switching voting constituencies — is suitable for the longer term for more permanent migrants who can prove their residence in a constituency for at least six months. The argument here is that longer-term migrants of an area would likely be more concerned about the politics and policies of their current place of residence. The ECI should also take extra effort to enrol longer-term migrants of the informal sector in their current place of residence. This will empower them to pressure governments to implement more migrant-friendly policies. While this move may face significant opposition from longer-term residents of the area, it would empower one of the most vulnerable sections of the population. Separately, as a significant number of migrant populations across the country are women who migrate after marriage, voting drives could also be carried out to enrol these women on the voter lists of their new place of residence. A mixed approach Each of these options has its advantages and disadvantages. Enabling voting by migrants is a complex task and is made more complex by the heterogeneity of migrants. Therefore, an approach that uses all these options will enable a significant share of both inter- and intra-State salaried and casual migrants to exercise their right to vote.