
Maharashtra govt trying to erase Marathi: Uddhav
Thackeray was addressing party workers during a function to announce the merger of Raju Shetti-led Shetkari Kranti Sanghatana with the Sena (UBT). 'Despite clear evidence presented by the Opposition regarding corruption involving several ministers, the government has merely issued warnings. I have never seen a chief minister as helpless as this. No one in this administration is accountable,' Thackeray said.
He cited the example of NCP minister Manikrao Kokate, who has been under fire for allegedly playing online rummy during a session of the Legislative Council and making insensitive remarks about farmers. Kokate was quietly shifted from the agriculture department to the sports and youth welfare portfolio late on Thursday. However, Thackeray said the move was 'cosmetic' and demanded his resignation.
The Sena (UBT) has also been demanding the dismissal of ministers Sanjay Shirsat, Sanjay Rathod and Yogesh Kadam — all from the rival Shiv Sena faction — over various graft allegations. Thackeray announced that his party will hold state-wide agitations to protest against what he described as a 'corrupt and indifferent' government.
Later in the day, speaking at 'Shivalay', the Sena UBT's office near Mantralaya, Thackeray turned his focus to the controversy over language policy, claiming the government was trying to dilute Marathi's place in the state. 'We harbour no hatred towards any language, but do not impose another language on us. The government is trying to finish Marathi in Maharashtra,' he said.
His remarks were in reference to two contentious Government Resolutions (GRs) introducing a three-language policy for Classes 1 to 5, including the mandatory introduction of Hindi. Following intense backlash and a rare show of unity between Uddhav and his cousin Raj Thackeray, the GRs were rolled back last month. The cousins had addressed a joint rally on July 5 to mark the rollback.
'The rollback happened because Maharashtra stood up. We will not allow anyone to trample over our culture and our identity,' Uddhav said.

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The Hindu
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Angry demonstrators torched police stations and government buildings. Political opponents often clashed with each other, sometimes leading to gruesome killings. Like many Bangladeshis, Tarif and his sister took part in the uprising, hoping for a broader political change, particularly after when one of their cousins was shot and killed by security forces. "We could not stay home and wanted Sheikh Hasina to go, 20-year-old Tarif said. Ultimately we wanted a country without any discrimination and injustice. Today, his hopes lie shattered. We wanted a change, but I am frustrated now, he said. After taking the reins, the Yunus-led administration formed 11 reform commissions, including a national consensus commission that is working with major political parties for future governments and the electoral process. Bickering political parties have failed to reach a consensus on a timetable and process for elections. Mob violence, political attacks on rival parties and groups, and hostility to women's rights and vulnerable minority groups by religious hardliners have all surged. Some of the fear and repression that marked Hasina's rule, and abuses such as widespread enforced disappearances, appear to have ended, rights groups say. However, they accuse the new government of using arbitrary detention to target perceived political opponents, especially Hasina's supporters, many of whom have been forced to go into hiding. Hasina's Awami League party, which remains banned, says more than two dozen of its supporters have died in custody over the last one year. Human Rights Watch in a statement on July 30 said the interim government is falling short in implementing its challenging human rights agenda. It said violations against ethnic and other minority groups in some parts of Bangladesh have continued. The interim government appears stuck, juggling an unreformed security sector, sometimes violent religious hardliners, and political groups that seem more focused on extracting vengeance on Hasina's supporters than protecting Bangladeshis' rights, said Ganguly. Yunus' office routinely rejects these allegations. Growing political uncertainty Bangladesh also faces political uncertainty over a return to democratically held elections. Yunus has been at loggerheads with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, or BNP, now the main contender for power. The party headed by former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia has demanded elections either in December or February next year. Yunus has said they could be held in April. The interim government has also cleared the way for the Islamists, who were under severe pressure during Hasina's regime, to rise, while the student leaders who spearheaded the uprising have formed a new political party. The students' party demands that the constitution be rewritten, if needed entirely, and says it won't allow the election without major reforms. Meanwhile, many hardline Islamists have either fled prison or have been released, and the Jamaat-e-Islami, the country's largest Islamist party, which has a controversial past, is now aspiring to a role in government. It often bitterly criticizes the BNP, equating it with Hasina's Awami League, and recently held a massive rally in Dhaka as a show of power. Critics fear that greater influence of the Islamist forces could fragment Bangladesh's political landscape further. Any rise of Islamists demonstrates a future Bangladesh where radicalization could get a shape where so-called disciplined Islamist forces could work as a catalyst against liberal and moderate forces, political analyst Nazmul Ahsan Kalimullah said. Worries also remain over whether the government is ultimately capable of enacting reforms. People's expectation was (that) Yunus government will be focused and solely geared towards reforming the electoral process. But now it's a missed opportunity for them, Kalimullah said. A frustrated population For some, not much has changed in the last year. Meherunnesa's father, Mosharraf Hossain, said the uprising was not for a mere change in government, but symbolised deeper frustrations. We want a new Bangladesh It's been 54 years since independence, yet freedom was not achieved, he said. Tarif echoed his father's remarks, adding that he was not happy with the current state of the country. I want to see the new Bangladesh as a place where I feel secure, where the law enforcement agencies will perform their duties properly, and no government will resort to enforced disappearances or killings like before. I want to have the right to speak freely, he said. (Only the headline and picture of this report may have been reworked by the Business Standard staff; the rest of the content is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)