
Europe is short of gunpowder and TNT when it needs them most
It is a surprisingly manual process. "You cannot simply put large amounts of explosive materials onto a conveyor belt, no one would want that,' said Oliver Becker, senior vice president of operations at the site, which sprawls across 90 hectares of Bavarian countryside near Munich.
Nitrochemie Aschau is a subsidiary of the German defense giant Rheinmetall. Since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the factory has increased production capacity by 60% and is building new facilities to add another over 40% by mid-2025. It has hired around 300 people, picking up workers from the struggling automotive and chemicals sector to bolster its workforce so it can keep production running 24/7, and help meet Europe's surging demand for ammunition.
European governments dug into their munitions stockpiles to arm Ukraine, exposing how shallow their reserves were. Since then, they have been trying to boost production of artillery shells, missiles and bullets. That strained the continent's supplies of gunpowder, TNT and other explosives and propellants to the limit. As Europe prepares for a massive boost in defense spending, the small number of producers of these volatile materials are racing to increase their capacity. Rheinmetall alone is aiming to increase its powder output by more than 50% by 2028, but even that won't be enough. CEO Armin Papperger said on a recent earnings call that the company may have to nearly double its production to more than 20,000 metric tonnes to meet the need.
However, the supply chain that explosives manufacturers rely on is tangled, global, and full of bottlenecks. Governments and manufacturers need to incentivize civilian chemical industries to switch to military production, simplify regulations to allow new factories to be built and dangerous cargoes to move around the continent — and even secure supplies of the most basic materials that are currently shipped in from China.
"A coordinated national defense strategy would aim to secure the resource of cotton, a kind of foresight I don't see right now,' Michael Blendinger, president of the Association of German Gunsmiths and Arms Dealers, said.
A Rheinmetall employee works at a production line of 120 mm tank ammunition |
REUTERS
Even before the inauguration of U.S. President Donald Trump, European Union members had set a target of making 2 million artillery shells in 2025, up from 1.4 million last year. In spring 2023, the European Commission established the Act in Support of Ammunition Production, or ASAP, program, which allocates €500 million ($526 million) to help expand the bloc's ability to manufacture munitions.
Since then, Trump's administration temporarily suspended military aid to Ukraine, sowed doubt over the future of longstanding American security guarantees in Europe, and indicated a willingness to negotiate with the Kremlin despite the objections of the Ukrainian government and European allies. The continent's need for munitions is only going to grow.
"Up until now, too little has been done in the area of ammunition provision,' said Joachim Peter, co-head of the global defense industry sector at consultancy Brunswick Group. "This is now taking its toll as the situation continues to deteriorate.'
Shells need two volatile components: propellants, which are used to fire projectiles; and explosives, which detonate. Europe doesn't produce enough of either to meet its demand.
The most important ingredient in propellants for modern shells is nitrocellulose, or guncotton. As its name suggests, it is made from high-grade cotton, which is then soaked in a mix of acids. Just one round of artillery ammunition requires up to 12kg of gunpowder. Europe only has a handful of propellant manufacturers, including Rheinmetall and the French contractor Eurenco. Under ASAP, Europe wants to increase production of propellants by more than 50%, or 10,000 metric tonnes per year — equivalent to nearly six new facilities the size of Nitrochemie Aschau's.
The explosives supply is in a similar situation to propellants. The EU is planning to increase explosives production by more than 4,300 metric tonnes, an estimated increase of over 30%, but it currently only has one major TNT factory serving local production, run by the company Nitro-Chem in Poland, with another one to be built in Finland.
Makers of alternative agents, such as PETN, HMX and RDX, which are used in plastic explosives, are overwhelmed. Norwegian manufacturer Chemring Nobel has seen unparalleled demand since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, according to a spokesperson. The company says that its Norwegian business has been running at full capacity, and its order book extends for a number of years.
A production line for artillery shells at German defense giant Rheinmetall. European governments have been trying to boost production of artillery shells, missiles and bullets. |
REUTERS
Just as explosives and propellants are a bottleneck for defense companies, manufacturers of gunpowder and TNT have to navigate their own supply chain constraints.
Some European countries, such as Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium and Poland, have a well-established chemicals industry, but explosives precursors only make up a small share of their capacity, according to the German chemical industry association, VCI. High energy costs and environmental regulations make it cheaper to produce chemicals abroad, and many companies now source precursors, such as nitric acid, from China.
Most of the cotton used in nitrocellulose also has to be imported from China, which is the world's largest producer — and, on friendly terms with Russia. While there are alternatives to cotton made from wood pulp and other materials, they aren't currently produced at the scale the market needs.
Nitrochemie has spent the last three years working to secure its supply chain, according to Pascal Schreyer, CEO of Rheinmetall's propulsion systems business unit. Although it still needs to source cotton from outside the continent, the company has been getting its cotton linters — a processed form of cotton fibers — from Europe and countries that have good relationships with the EU. Nitrochemie has also built up a stockpile of several years' worth of linters, according to Schreyer. "In the past, where raw materials came from was not a priority for us. This has changed, and now we are focused on bringing capacity to Europe,' he said.
Most of the major producers of nitrocellulose and other specialty chemicals in the explosives supply chain have received grants from the ASAP program, according to Bloomberg analysis of the program's filings.
The European Union has proposed €150 billion in loans to boost defense spending as part of its latest effort to compensate for waning U.S. support. The European Defense Industry Program would provide another €1.5 billion of EU funding to industry players from 2025 to 2027, but the Commission's regulation has not yet been passed by the European Parliament.
Long-term markets and financing will be crucial if the supply chain issues are to be solved, experts said. "The industry has been receiving significant orders in the past two years, but it is unclear whether this momentum will last,' said Amos Dossi, head of defense policy research at ETH Zurich's Center for Security Studies.
The cost of switching production from civilian to military use is high. The plastics and paint industries, for example, do use a form of nitrocellulose that has a lower nitrogen content than military-grade guncotton. But to move from one to the other would be technically and legally very complex, experts said.
Governments also need to find ways to ease the regulatory burden on the industry, experts said. The logistics behind transporting volatile cargoes are complex and highly regulated, according to Sven Schroder, a former soldier and CEO of Essing Sprengtechnik, which has produced, transported, stored and destroyed explosives for military and civilian customers for more than 30 years. Regulation in the sector ensures the safety of workers and the general public, he said, but regulatory barriers can also be a major hindrance. Lorries end up being stuck at the Ukrainian border for weeks, and getting approvals for storage sites can take years, Schroder said.
But, he added, these challenges are secondary to the shortage of raw materials. "Defense companies' hands are tied when raw materials are lacking,' he said. "This has been ignored for years.'
Lowering regulatory hurdles, giving companies guarantees, and overcoming Europe's social and fiscal barriers to investing in weapons and their components will be vital to meeting the continent's needs, experts said, in particular because its biggest strategic threat, Russia, has few of these constraints.
"We have to rearm everywhere, simultaneously and in large numbers,' Brunswick's Peter said. "An authoritarian state that has switched to a war economy at the expense of the population simply ramps up. And it must therefore be clear that we need to pick up the pace.'
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Japan Today
2 hours ago
- Japan Today
Putin wins Ukraine concessions in Alaska but did not get all he wanted
By Andrew Osborn In a few short hours in Alaska, Vladimir Putin managed to convince Donald Trump that a Ukraine ceasefire was not the way to go, stave off U.S. sanctions, and spectacularly shatter years of Western attempts to isolate the Russian president. Outside Russia, Putin was widely hailed as the victor of the Alaska summit while at home, Russian state media cast the U.S. president as a prudent statesman, even as critics in the West accused him of being out of his depth. Russian state media made much of the fact that Putin was afforded a military fly-over, that Trump waited for him on the red carpet, and then let the Russian president ride with him in the back of the "Big Beast", the U.S. presidential limousine. "Western media are in a state that could be described as derangement verging on complete insanity," said Maria Zakharova, Russia's foreign minister spokeswoman. "For three years, they talked about Russia's isolation, and today they saw the red carpet rolled out to welcome the Russian president to the United States," she said. But Putin's biggest summit wins related to the war in Ukraine, where he appears to have persuaded Trump, at least in part, to embrace Russia's vision of how a deal should be done. Trump had gone into the meeting saying he wanted a quick ceasefire and had threatened Putin and Russia's biggest buyer of its crude oil - China - with sanctions. Afterwards, Trump said he had agreed with Putin that negotiators should go straight to a peace settlement and not via a ceasefire as Ukraine and its European allies had been demanding - previously with U.S. support. "The U.S. president's position has changed after talks with Putin, and now the discussion will focus not on a truce, but on the end of the war. And a new world order. Just as Moscow wanted," Olga Skabeyeva, one of Russian state TV's most prominent talkshow hosts, said on Telegram. Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, saying Kyiv's embrace of the West had become a threat to its security, something Ukraine has dismissed as a false pretext for what it calls a colonial-style land grab. The war - the deadliest in Europe for 80 years - has killed or wounded well over a million people from both sides, including thousands of mostly Ukrainian civilians, according to analysts. NO ECONOMIC RESET The fact that the summit even took place was a win for Putin before it even started, given how it brought him in from the diplomatic cold with such pomp. Putin is wanted by the International Criminal Court, accused of the war crime of deporting hundreds of children from Ukraine. Russia denies any wrongdoing, saying it acted to remove unaccompanied children from a conflict zone. Neither Russia nor the United States are members of the court. Dmitry Medvedev, Russia's former president and a close Putin ally, said the summit had achieved a major breakthrough when it came to restoring U.S.-Russia relations, which Putin had lamented were at their lowest level since the Cold War. "The mechanism for high-level meetings between Russia and the United States has been restored in its entirety," he said. But Putin did not get everything he wanted and it's unclear how durable his gains will be. For one, Trump did not hand him the economic reset he wanted - something that would boost the Russian president at a time when his economy is showing signs of strain after more than three years of war and increasingly tough Western sanctions. Yuri Ushakov, Putin's foreign policy aide, said before the summit that the talks would touch on trade and economic issues. Putin had brought his finance minister and the head of Russia's sovereign wealth fund all the way to Alaska with a view to discussing potential deals on the Arctic, energy, space and the technology sector. In the end, though, they didn't get a look in. Trump told reporters on Air force One before the summit started there would be no business done until the war in Ukraine was settled. It's also unclear how long the sanctions reprieve that Putin won will last. Trump said it would probably be two or three weeks before he would need to return to the question of thinking about imposing secondary sanctions on China, to hurt financing for Moscow's war machine. Nor did Trump - judging by information that has so far been made public - do what some Ukrainian and European politicians had feared the most and sell Kyiv out by doing a deal over the head of Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelenskyy. Trump made clear that it was up to Zelenskyy as to whether he would agree - or not - with ideas of land swaps and other elements for a peace settlement that the U.S. president had discussed with Putin in Alaska. Although as Trump's bruising Oval Office encounter with Zelenskyy showed earlier this year, if Trump thinks the Ukrainian leader is not engaging constructively, he can quickly turn on him. Indeed, Trump was quick to start piling pressure on Zelenskyy, who is expected in Washington on Monday, saying after the summit that Ukraine had to deal because, "Russia is a very big power, and they're not". "The main point is that both sides have directly placed responsibility on Kyiv and Europe for achieving future results in the negotiations," said Medvedev, who added that the summit showed it was possible to negotiate and fight at the same time. DONBAS DEMAND While deliberations continue, Russian forces are slowly but steadily advancing on the battlefield and threatening a series of Ukrainian towns and cities whose fall could speed up Moscow's quest to take complete control of the eastern region of Donetsk, one of four Ukrainian regions Russia claims as its own. Donetsk, some 25% of which remains beyond Russia's control, and the Luhansk region together make up the industrial Donbas region, which Putin has made clear he wants in its entirety. Putin told Trump he'd be ready to freeze the front lines in Zaporizhzhia and Kherson, two of the other regions he claims, if Kyiv agreed to withdraw from both Donetsk and Luhansk, a person familiar with the matter told Reuters. Zelenskiy rejected the demand, the source said. According to the New York Times, Trump told European leaders that Ukrainian recognition of Donbas as Russian would help get a deal done. And the U.S. is ready to be part of security guarantees for Ukraine, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said. Some Kremlin critics said it would be a mistake to credit Putin with too much success at this stage. "Russia has re-established its status and got dialogue with the U.S.," said Michel Duclos, a French diplomat who formerly served in Moscow and who is an analyst at the Institut Montaigne think-tank. "But when you have a war on your hands and your economy is collapsing, these are limited gains." Russian officials deny the economy, which has been put on a war footing and has proved more resilient than the West forecast despite heavy sanctions, is collapsing. But they have acknowledged signs of overheating and have said the economy could enter recession next year unless policies are adjusted. "For Putin, economic problems are secondary to his goals, but he understands our vulnerability and the costs involved," said one source familiar with Kremlin thinking. "Both sides will have to make concessions. The question is to what extent. The alternative, if we want to defeat them militarily, is to mobilize resources more deeply and use them more skillfully, but we are not going down that road for various reasons," the person said. "It will be Trump's job to pressure Ukraine to recognize the agreements." © Thomson Reuters 2025.


Japan Today
2 hours ago
- Japan Today
European leaders to join Ukraine's Zelenskyy for meeting with Trump
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'The Europeans are very afraid of the Oval Office scene being repeated and so they want to support Mr Zelenskyy to the hilt,' said retired French Gen. Dominique Trinquand, a former head of France's military mission at the United Nations. 'It's a power struggle and a position of strength that might work with Trump,' he said. Special U.S. envoy Steve Witkoff said Sunday that Putin agreed at the meeting in Alaska with Trump to allow the U.S. and European allies to offer Ukraine a security guarantee resembling NATO's collective defense mandate as part of an eventual deal to end the 3 1/2-year war. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, speaking at a news conference in Brussels with Zelenskyy, said 'we welcome President Trump's willingness to contribute to Article 5-like security guarantees for Ukraine. And the 'Coalition of the willing' -- including the European Union -- is ready to do its share.' 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'The risk is they look heavy-handed and are ganging up on Trump,' he added. 'Trump won't want to be put in a corner.' Although details remain hazy on what Article 5-like security guarantees from the U.S. and Europe would entail for Ukraine, it could mirror NATO membership terms, in which an attack on one member of the alliance is seen as an attack on all. In remarks made on CNN's 'State of the Union,' Witkoff said Friday's meeting with Trump was the first time Putin has been had heard to agree to such an arrangement. Zelenskyy continues to stress the importance of both U.S. and European involvement in any negotiations. 'A security guarantee is a strong army. Only Ukraine can provide that. Only Europe can finance this army, and weapons for this army can be provided by our domestic production and European production. But there are certain things that are in short supply and are only available in the United States,' he said at the press conference Sunday alongside Von der Leyen. Zelenskyy also pushed back against Trump's assertion — which aligned with Putin's preference — that the two sides should negotiate a complete end to the war, rather than first securing a ceasefire. Zelenskyy said a ceasefire would provide breathing room to review Putin's demands. 'It's impossible to do this under the pressure of weapons,' he said. 'Putin does not want to stop the killing, but he must do it.' Associated Press writers Pan Pylas in London, and Katie Marie Davies in Manchester, England, contributed to this report. © Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.

4 hours ago
German Foreign Minister Keen to Deepen Ties with Japan
News from Japan World Aug 18, 2025 01:49 (JST) Berlin, Aug. 17 (Jiji Press)--German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul on Sunday expressed his eagerness to reinforce his country's cooperation with Japan in order to stabilize the international order. Germany and Japan are standing together against the crisis of the global security environment caused by Russia and China, Wadephul said in a statement released before his trip to Japan from Monday. It will be Wadephul's first visit to Asia since he took office in May. He is set to hold a strategic dialogue with Japan's Foreign Minister Takeshi Iwaya during his stay in the country. Wadephul also said that Germany and Japan face common trade issues such as unfair practices by China and high U.S. tariffs. Germany has much to learn from Japan, which is ahead of other countries in the field of economic security, said Wadephul, an expert on issues in Japan. [Copyright The Jiji Press, Ltd.] Jiji Press