
Opposing reforms that are a step in the right direction is bad politics
What do you do as a parliamentary opposition when the Government is doing something you know you should support?
The Conservative Party has faced this issue twice this week. The first is on Labour's feeble attempt to slow the increase (not make a cut) in health-related welfare spending. How that will play out is unresolved as I write. Kemi Badenoch recognises the reputational risks of voting against, so she has made an offer to back Sir Keir Starmer – but on conditions: further spending cuts and no tax increases this autumn.
It's clever tactically. Starmer clearly can't accept the conditions. And his refusal allows a vote against the Government and, potentially, the death of a flagship Bill. That's the job of an opposition, isn't it?
Well maybe. Yes, it certainly makes things awkward for Starmer. But it makes things awkward for the Tories too.
For a political party, principles are as important as tactics, especially perhaps if you are trying to reinvent yourselves in the public mind after the political mush of the last 14 years. Sometimes it's possible to be too tactical, too clever.
The fact is the welfare bill has to come down. Maybe Labour is not going about it exactly as we would. But it is still the right thing to do. Fiscal responsibility is supposed to be a Conservative thing. So when Labour is taking a Conservative approach to something, maybe the party should back them?
A similar problem is presented by the Planning Bill, which had its Second Reading in the Lords this week. Less is at stake in the short run, for the Bill will certainly go through. But the underlying politics are if anything more significant.
Labour's Bill is certainly imperfect. It is best characterised as driving the current system to work better: more meaningful plans, less power for local councillors to block, less scope for legal challenge. It has a novel approach to nature protection: essentially making developers pay to restore nature somewhere, but not necessarily on the exact spot where development is taking place.
My suspicion is that this is not going to deliver the boost Labour wants. The current system hasn't delivered the target of 300,000 homes a year since the late 1970s. Indeed, since the financial crash, it's only once delivered more than 200,000. Our restrictive controls-based system, with its presumption against building, very likely just can't do it, however streamlined it is.
Moreover, although Labour hates it when you mention it, any house building is to a very large extent building for migration. Net immigration is going to be, best case, towards two million under this Government, so at least 125,000 homes every year will be needed simply to accommodate future arrivals. While that's the case, it's going to be very difficult to get political consent to build more – and rightly so.
So what is the right political response to this situation? Do Conservatives resist Labour's Bill, arguing that it undermines local democracy and risks the countryside, or support, recognising their approach is imperfect?
At the moment the party is doing neither. Instead it is trying to side-step the choice by saying it wants 'more homes, but the right homes, in the right places'. That allows it to sound sympathetic to the policy aims while raising all sorts of difficulties in practice, and (not by chance) to accommodate very different perspectives within the party.
But there are risks here: not just that Conservatives get on the wrong side of the argument, but that voters can't see the guiding principle that's being applied, perhaps can't even tell whether we are actually supportive or hostile at all. Once again: when trying to establish a clear profile, maybe this is less than ideal.
I know where I stand. Like it or not, and unless you are prepared to engage in what is euphemistically called compulsory 'remigration', which I am not, the population is what it is, and we need to build more houses. That requires both reducing immigration right down to zero for a prolonged period and a serious reform to the current planning system, more like the radical Robert Jenrick proposals from 2021, sadly junked as the Conservative Party entered the early stages of its nervous breakdown. Indeed we might need to be even more radical than that in places like London within the M25.
That's obviously not going to happen under Labour, but it is what a post-2029 government on the Right should aim to do. So we shouldn't do things which are inconsistent with it now.
Labour's Bill is an imperfect half measure, but it still goes in the right direction. There is no future for the Right in echoing the voice of nimby councillors and the green and Lib Dem blob, determined as they are to stop development or hamstring it with green regulation.
The appeal of the Right must instead be to aspiration, to those who want to own a home (and dare I say it more than one?) and get on in life. The Conservative Party at least can't get back in the game without this. Now would be a good time to start.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Sun
37 minutes ago
- The Sun
Pro-Palestine protester dressed as Holocaust victim goes unchallenged by Met cops — amid claims of two-tier policing
A PROTESTER dressed as a Holocaust victim goes unchallenged by Met cops — amid claims of two-tier policing. Maria Gallastegui sparked outrage by wearing a concentration camp-style uniform - swapping the yellow star for an Islamic symbol - at a Westminster demo. 2 2 Jewish leaders and MPs hit out at the Met, claiming officers warned men waving Israeli flags they could breach the peace but ignored Ms Gallastegui's stunt. It comes after a man was prosecuted for burning a Koran in London, fuelling claims of 'double standards' in policing. Shadow Justice Secretary Robert Jenrick said: 'We appear to have a two-tier blasphemy law in this country, which protects Islam from offensive references but not others.' Labour Against Antisemitism also slammed the outfit for 'appropriating and distorting the Holocaust.' The group said it 'was clearly designed to cause distress'. They have written to Met Commissioner Sir Mark Rowley demanding action over the protest outside Parliament. Ms Gallastegui, 66, defended herself, saying: 'This is a history lesson for now, and by no means is it meant to be anti-Semitic. Changing the symbols of the yellow star to the crescent and star is simply to illustrate that point.'


Daily Mail
an hour ago
- Daily Mail
QUENTIN LETTS: Welcome back, PM. You didn't miss much, just a mutiny of MPs and a plot by Ange to depose you!
Good Heavens, it was Sir Keir Starmer! The Prime Minister swaggered into the Commons at 11.30am. First time for over a fortnight. He was lucky a clerk didn't ask to check his security pass. The Speaker, Sir Lindsay Hoyle, signalled subtle displeasure at Sir Keir's neglect of the House. He said MPs would be given more leeway in their questions, to allow them to catch up with the absentee. I hear that on Monday night Sir Lindsay summoned the Cabinet Secretary to his study to tear him off a strip over Sir Keir's scurvy attitude to parliamentary scrutiny. Kemi Badenoch could have said 'Welcome back, stranger, you didn't miss much – just a mutiny among your MPs, a poll saying you're now as popular as the clap and a plot by Angela Rayner to depose you'. Instead the Conservative leader, who is not excessively endowed in the humour department, came over all jabbery. She shouted that Sir Keir had 'evaded Prime Minister's question time for two weeks' and was now 'irrelevant'. Aiee, that was ill-judged. You do not have to be Kemi-sceptic to see that even our nasal plodder of a PM is more relevant than she at present. Mrs Badenoch paid for her rant. Sir Keir was able to gloat, no fewer than seven times, that his opponent was 'unserious'. Did she truly mean he should not attend G7 and Nato summits? Furthermore, should she ever become PM (a possibility he later declared not to exist), the head of Nato would need to hang a sign over her empty seat at the summit table saying 'gone to PMQs'. How the sycophants tinkled with laughter at that. Starmer was at his most patronising. The chamber was surprisingly unbusy. The Lib Dems were down to seven. Reform MPs were a total no-show. The Tories were sparse and one of them – Mark Pritchard from The Wrekin, Shropshire – was so rude about Mrs Badenoch that he might soon defect. Sir Keir's parliamentary private secretary, a shrewd lad, leaned forward and muttered something to the Prime Minister when Mr Pritchard was trumpeting. Sir Keir proceeded to baste Pritchard in warm treacle. The old bloviator loved that. More interesting than anything on the Opposition benches was the paucity of Labour bodies. Despite doughnutting behind ministers to make TV viewers think it was a big turn-out, there must have been barely a tenth of Labour's contingent on parade. This was evidence of two things: the size of the Starmer arch-loyalist faction and the much greater number of Labour MPs who are indifferent towards him. Theirs was an ominous absence. Once Mrs Badenoch had blurted out her 'evading PMQs' line, these Starmer loyalists rose one after another to hail the nasal knight's 'leadership' and to complain that Kemi's remarks were a disgrace. Such was the consistency of these contributions, it was obvious Labour's Whips were orchestrating them. You just get a Whip to send a job-hungry MP a text message saying 'Here's what to say'. Most of them oblige. It's sickeningly low-grade but it works. Those applying their suction nozzles to Sir Keir's posterior included: Gemmell (C Ayrshire), Ahmed (Glasgow SW), Bailey (Leyton), Macdonald (Norwich N), McDonald (Stockton N) and Slinger (Rugby) but for sheer, marvel-eyed sycophancy none quite matched a woman from West Bromwich called Coombes. Whenever the first ministerial shuffle happens it will be a surprise if these virtuosi are not rewarded for their heroic efforts. Two other things. First, is Sir Keir's eyesight giving him gyp? He seemed to have new spectacles – they were glinting in a way I had not seen before – and, as happens occasionally, he asked for his speech to be raised on a special platform which was placed atop the despatch box. This did not prevent him from misreading some of the words. And earlier we had another corker from Lucy Powell, the dazzlingly intellectual Leader of the Commons. In an effort to praise the military she managed to refer to our 'armed sauces'.


Daily Mail
an hour ago
- Daily Mail
Rampant street crime. One alleged rape every hour. Homeless beggars. And demographic changes that have made the city unrecognisable. With a heavy heart, MATT GOODWIN says London is OVER
When I fired off a tweet about my day trip to London last week, I didn't expect it to be read by 12 million people around the world. But that's exactly what happened when I shared a few observations about our once-great capital under Labour Mayor Sadiq Khan. 'All these things happened to me in London today,' I wrote. 'I paid nearly £30 for a train ticket to take me into London from a town just 30 miles away – on a Saturday. 'The first person I sat next to decided to have a FaceTime conversation with his friend on speakerphone, so we all had to listen to it. 'The train was late by 40 minutes due to unexplained 'signalling issues'. It was also filthy. I paid nearly £8 for a pint. I offered a woman my seat on the Tube without realising she was with a man – who intervened and said: 'No man.' He was not from the UK. I think he took my gesture as an insult. 'I was asked for money by homeless people three times in one day. 'I noticed that several people who are paid to give information to taxpayers and tourists over the Tannoy on the Tube cannot speak English properly. 'A cabbie told me: 'London is dead most nights.' Restaurants are struggling and hideously overpriced. I was constantly aware I should not get my phone out on the street – as more than 70,000 were stolen last year. I also discovered there were 90,000 shoplifting offences in London last year, up 54 per cent.' Behind all these observations lies a deeper point that has gradually become unavoidable. London is over. It's so over. It's morphed into a city that is unrecognisable from years ago and is now in manifest and rapid decline, with deteriorating standards and no real sense of identity or belonging. While my tweet predictably irritated London liberals, it clearly struck a chord with a much larger audience. Millions have watched as a toxic cocktail of accelerated demographic change, mass immigration and economic stagnation have ripped the heart and soul out of our capital. Another person who has noticed this is respected British writer Professor David Goodhart, who last week pointed to many of the same concerns. A quarter-century ago, he wrote, London was a booming metropolitan centre: a beacon of openness and opportunity for the rest of the country and, indeed, the world. But no more. When a recent report suggested that white Britons with no immigrant parents look set to become a minority in the UK by the year 2063, Goodhart pointed out: 'I heard nobody saying, 'rapid demographic change is nothing to worry about – just look at London'.' He has a point. London has been irreversibly transformed. White Britons, the indigenous population for centuries, now represent one-third of the city. Only 22 per cent of children in Greater London's schools are White British – and in one school, Kobi Nazrul Primary in Whitechapel, not a single child speaks English as their first language. Four in ten people currently living in London were born overseas. Close to one in seven are Muslim. And nearly one-quarter of Londoners do not speak English as their main language. While London's liberal set may respond to this by repeating, in robotic fashion, 'diversity is our strength', Goodhart asks a more troubling question. Yes, immigration has long been a feature of London. But is all this demographic change actually improving the quality of life in the city? Or is it making it far worse? Compare the capital to the rest of the country. Shoplifting is up 15 per cent in England – but has soared by 54 per cent in the capital. Theft is down 14 per cent in England – but has rocketed by 41 per cent in London. Home ownership in London is down 20 per cent since the early 1990s – while rents are up 85 per cent on the past 15 years, and earnings are up just 21 per cent. And even in some prime areas of central London, half of all social housing includes people who were not born in Britain. Another thing that has collapsed in recent years is London's fertility rate, which has slumped 30 per cent in the past decade, making it the lowest of all UK regions. When people no longer want children, it's a pretty good sign of how they feel about their surroundings. There are other things I could add. Like the fact there is an alleged rape every hour in London. In just five years, reported sexual offences against women and girls rose 14 per cent while homelessness and rough sleeping climbed 26 per cent in one year. Does this look like a thriving city to you? Knife crime, gang violence, robberies, pickpocketing and so-called 'moped-enabled crimes' have also become everyday features of London life. And 30,000 millionaires left London in the past decade according to research from Henley & Partners, a firm that helps high net-worth clients move countries. Meanwhile, according to a recent Thames Water study, up to 600,000 illegal migrants may be living in London, flouting our laws and taking taxpayers for a ride. While these findings have been subject to debate, if correct, how can you possibly sustain the social contract in a major city when it's possible that one in every 13 people is an illegal immigrant? Or when nearly one-quarter of the people in London do not speak English as their main language –while 320,000 cannot speak English at all? If London really is so vibrant and wonderful, why, according to one survey from Opinium, do one in four Londoners say they feel unsafe in their own neighbourhood? The truth is, London's famed diversity has changed in profound and negative ways since the 1990s. The European bankers, asset managers and Polish plumbers who came two decades ago have now largely been replaced by low-wage, low-skill migrant workers from across the Middle East and Northern Africa – a situation that worsened hugely during the last Tory government, which opened the floodgates to migrants from the developing world. This more recent wave of immigration, as studies by the Office for Budget Responsibility and elsewhere have made clear, is taking more from the economy than it's putting in, exacerbating not just the housing crisis but our glaring lack of growth. To be clear, this is not to criticise the migrants themselves. It's merely to accept reality. Like much of the rest of the country, London's energy, productivity and prosperity are being drained by a model of low-skill, low-wage, non-European immigration that makes no economic sense. Take one iconic example: London's famous black cabs with a driver who possesses a deep and historic knowledge of our capital. Increasingly, he is being replaced by an Uber driver from Somalia or Afghanistan who drives you around while relying on Google Maps. Rather than build a dynamic, integrated and unified capital city with a clear sense of history and identity, these forces are inexorably pushing us towards the ongoing 'Yookayfication' of our capital city and, indeed, our country. Increasingly, the label 'Yookay' has caught on to refer to the jarring aesthetic quality of the country today – a mix of cultures, languages and identities spreading across the landscape. Examples include the proliferation of Palestinian flags and obvious signs of sectarianism in migrant communities, the spread of multicultural 'English' with its global slang, the mainstreaming of gang culture in everything from fashion to advertising, the constant smell of weed, the American candy store next to the kebab shop, the Deliveroo riders scrolling through their phone and so on. All have become symbols of a new, migration-fuelled and sagging economy. As Lord Frost pointed out recently, as these demographic changes take effect, the 'Yookay' risks gradually becoming a permanent new country: a successor state to Great Britain, with a new identity, character, culture, values and way of life. Nowhere are these changes more profound than in our capital. As David Goodhart asks: 'What happens when London's white British population falls below 20 per cent in ten years? Is there some minimum number of natives that a capital requires before it ceases to be the capital?' While I'm not sure of the answer, I am certain that unless there is a radical change of direction, London will look increasingly unlike the city I once knew.