logo
Mike Braun's property tax cut lost the plot

Mike Braun's property tax cut lost the plot

As a surprisingly semi-regular contributor to IndyStar Opinion, I feel compelled to offer some thoughts about this legislative session's marquee debate over property taxes. It's a little tricky, though, because of how we deeply misunderstand the nature of time.
We judge our personal lives by minutes and days, when we'd be better off thinking in weeks and months. We assess career success in weeks and months, when we should probably be thinking in years. When it comes to public policy, we try to evaluate immediately, even though the real-world impacts often take decades to fully reveal themselves.
So, while I do have thoughts and opinions on this Indiana General Assembly session, I find myself in more of a reflective mood. Rather than diving deep into the policy weeds, I want to ask a bigger question that underlies the entire debate, and has shaped Indiana politics for the last two decades: What is the goal of state government?
But first, a DOGE detour
For my money, one of the most fair and clear-eyed observers of the Elon Musk-led Department of Government Efficiency DOGE experiment is Santi Ruiz. Ruiz, a right/libertarian-leaning commentator, was initially hopeful about the idea of a Musk/Vivek Ramaswamy-led federal efficiency commission. His March '50 Thoughts on DOGE' Substack post remains the most balanced and insightful thing I've read on the topic.
Need a break? Play the USA TODAY Daily Crossword Puzzle.
The short version: Ruiz sees flashes of good, but ultimately argues that the chaos of the execution has undermined the project's stated purpose. On the Ezra Klein Show, Ruiz diagnosed a core flaw in the effort: Goodhart's Law, which is the idea that 'when a measure becomes a target, it ceases to be a good measure.' In other words, once you fixate on the number, you lose sight of the reality it's supposed to represent.
In DOGE's case, Ruiz argues, cutting government headcount and contracts, rather than improving government efficiency, became the metric of success. Instead of making the federal government more efficient, DOGE may be making things worse, because it has lost sight of the goal.
Goodhart's Law in action in Indiana
In my view, this is precisely what happened with property tax reform in Indiana.
Cutting property taxes was Gov. Mike Braun's top priority going into session, and from the start, there were clear divisions between him and legislative fiscal leaders. Local governments, for their part, warned that the proposed cuts would gut key services.
You know what happened: Everyone dug in. The result was a compromise that made nobody happy: cuts too modest for the hardliners, yet deep enough to jeopardize local services. And to plug the hole, local governments were given the option to raise income taxes.
The complexity of this issue was apparent from the outset, and it should have been clear to any observer that doing nothing, or something like punting this to a summer study committee, would have been far better in the long run.
But ultimately, the measure (the highest possible dollar amount of property tax cuts, this session) became the goal, and our leaders ended up passing something that no one is happy with. When the measure becomes the mission, we tend to make decisions that don't hold up over time.
'Smaller' government is a measure, not a goal
All of which brings us back to the bigger question: What is the goal of state (and local) government?
The core argument of the property tax cut hardliners is one that much of Indiana's political class seems to share, or at least publicly proclaim: that the goal of government is simply to be as small as possible.
I saw this up close during the 2023 mental health funding debate. We had broad, bipartisan support for investing in our state's mental health system. During session, a legislative leader pulled me aside. He reiterated his support, but said he needed help avoiding the perception that this was just another 'big government' solution.
Never mind that, since the days of English common law, caring for people with mental illness has been a core function of government. Never mind that failure to invest in mental health just shifts the cost to other government-funded systems like jails and emergency rooms. Never mind that, without government, there is no one else to pick up the slack. This legislator understood all this, but he was feeling pressure, not about whether the policy was right, but about whether it looked like too much government.
Hicks: Braun cut taxes for businesses, but most Hoosiers will pay more
We figured out a path forward, but the conversation stuck with me. Why is government such a loaded word? Why is it an insult instead of a neutral tool we can choose to use (or not use) depending on the problem? Why is the size of government any kind of goal at all, especially at the state and local level, which tend to be much more responsive to constituent needs and feedback than the federal behemoth?
At the end of the day, government size and spending is a measure, and an important one, but it is not the goal. Instead, the goal should be whatever contributes to the best conditions for thriving families and communities.
Sometimes that means getting the government out of the way, like removing regulatory barriers to innovation. Sometimes it means making government work better, like Mitch Daniels' legendary BMV turnaround.
And, yes, sometimes it means investing more in the kinds of services and infrastructure that improve lives and expand opportunity.
The irony is that almost every serious legislator and government official in Indiana knows this, but they are often paralyzed by the outsized influence of a small but loud chorus of folks who treat any additional investment as a betrayal.
Ultimately, though, if we want better outcomes from our government, our leaders need space to act on what most of them already understand: that good governance (at any size) is about advancing the common good.
Favorable Thriving Conditions.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Trump Has Deployed Troops At Home Like No Other President
Trump Has Deployed Troops At Home Like No Other President

Time​ Magazine

time3 minutes ago

  • Time​ Magazine

Trump Has Deployed Troops At Home Like No Other President

President Donald Trump announced on Monday that he would take control of the police force in Washington, D.C. and deploy 800 National Guard troops to quell crime and remove homeless encampments in the city. Flanked by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Attorney General Pam Bondi, Trump said he was deploying troops to 'help reestablish law, order and public safety' in the nation's capital, which he claimed had been 'overtaken by violent gangs and bloodthirsty criminals." It comes just months after federal officials announced that violent crime in the city hit a 30-year low. The move is the latest in a string of military deployments on home soil by Trump that experts say represents a marked departure from his predecessors. It comes just two months after Trump deployed California's National Guard to quell protests in Los Angeles over his immigration policies, after the protests had largely died down. William Banks, professor of law at Syracuse University and an expert on the role of the military in domestic affairs, says Trump's move is likely intended as a 'symbolic' show of power, especially after a former DOGE staffer's assault in the city caught his attention. 'Symbolism has always been very important to Trump,' Banks tells TIME. 'Trump wants to clean the city up. He wants to make it look like the White House lawn.' Banks adds that the United States has always been 'unique' in its allocation of law enforcement to civilians and its general refusal to use the military on its own citizens. 'The [British] soldiers in the colonies ransacked people's homes, arrested people without cause, beat people up, stole their papers, [and] violated their privacy, so by the time of revolution and then the Constitution, we didn't have a good feeling about the presence of soldiers on our streets,' Banks says. 'We want our members of our community, our neighbors, people that we know and recognize, in civilian uniform.' Banks acknowledges that the Constitution recognizes there may be 'exceptional circumstances' where a military presence is required domestically, but that Presidents prior to Trump did so more sparingly. He points to what he calls 'rights-promoting deployments' of the National Guard, including by Lyndon B. Johnson to desegregate schools in Alabama and Mississippi. Though Trump focused on D.C., he also hinted that the capital city is just the beginning, mentioning New York City, Baltimore, and Oakland—cities in which he has much less jurisdiction. 'This will go further,' Trump said. 'We are starting strongly with D.C.' Here is where Trump has chosen to deploy federal troops during his two terms. Along the border During Trump's first term, he deployed the National Guard to the U.S.-Mexico border in a bid to cut down on illegal immigration. Trump's first term, much like his second, was defined by his aggressive immigration tactics. At the time, Trump's proclamation justified his deployment of troops by pointing to a surge of apprehensions at the border, while critics said that overall border crossings were at historic lows. This deployment of the National Guard at the border continued during his second term. In May of this year, thousands of National Guard troops were deployed to the Southern Border, escalating his crackdown on immigration. 'National Defense Areas' were established in New Mexico and Texas. Importantly, federal troops have been deployed at the border during previous Administrations, specifically to aid Border Patrol. Trump's expansion of military zones along the U.S. border, though, has empowered the military to further act as a law enforcement body, detaining and searching those who they consider as trespassing in these defense areas. Typically, the President would need Congressional approval for defense areas and the creation of essentially a 170-mile military installation, but the President's Day One declaration of a national emergency on the southern border in an Executive Order allowed him to sidestep this formalization. Black Lives Matter protests, 2020 In May 2020, protests broke out across the country in response to the murder of George Floyd by a police officer. The protests marked one of the largest protest movements in U.S. history, with estimates of as many as 26 million people participating in the call for racial justice. Tens of thousands of National Guard troops in over half of U.S. states were activated by state governors to deal with the Black Lives Matter protests, but Trump also used his own powers to deal with the unrest. In August 2020, Trump deployed federal forces to Kenosha, Wisconsin, to quell protests in the aftermath of the shooting of Jacob Blake by a police officer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) also sent hundreds of federal officers to Portland, Oregon, to handle protests, with some reports, including one from the ACLU, claiming that these federal agents grabbed protestors off the streets in unmarked vehicles. Tactical teams of the Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) were also sent to Seattle, Washington, though push back by former Washington Gov. Jay Inslee and former Mayor Jenny Durkan eventually led to their withdrawal. In D.C., though, Trump, acting as Commander-in-Chief, deployed National Guard members from several states, despite public criticism from D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser. Trump's National Guard in D.C. also notoriously utilized tear-gas and rubber bullets against these Black Lives Matter protestors to disperse the demonstration and make room for a photo-op at St. John's Episcopal Church, which had been vandalized the night before during protests with a fire in the basement. Eventually, Trump threatened to utilize the Insurrection Act to deploy military forces to suppress the protests, calling the protestors 'terrorists.' Here, though, the Pentagon publicly broke from Trump, as Defense Secretary Mark Esper said he would prefer to not use active duty military on protests analyzed to have been mostly peaceful. Banks notes that Trump, as Commander-in-Chief of D.C., has more authority here than in the states, but adds 'one of the ironies is that in one of the few instances where there really was a violent disturbance inside the district—January 6, [2021]—[Trump] did nothing.' He continued, stating that if Trump had deployed the National Guard during the Jan. 6 insurrection, 'they could have stopped the Capitol rioting in 30 minutes.' Los Angeles, June 2025 President Trump deployed the California National Guard and the Marines in June this year, ostensibly to quell protests in Los Angeles against Trump's aggressive immigration policies and the intense escalation of deportations in the interior by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents. Trump's deployment of the National Guard came with a Presidential Memorandum that invoked Title 10, Section 12406 of the U.S. Code, which allows for the federal deployment of National Guard forces in limited circumstances, including if 'there is a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States.' When deployed, though, the National Guard was tasked with protecting ICE agents and federal property, and they were not authorized to perform any law enforcement activities. Trump was criticized for the move, with California Gov. Gavin Newsom calling the deployment 'purposefully inflammatory' and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) Southern California describing it as 'akin to a declaration of war on all Californians.' Currently, only 300 of the 5,000 troops deployed remain in Los Angeles, as a trial begins over the legality of Trump's deployment in the first place. A California federal judge is to rule whether Trump's use of the troops violates the Posse Comitatus Act, which limits the use of the military in domestic law enforcement.

OpenAI Releases GPT-5, Says It's Shutting Down All Previous Models
OpenAI Releases GPT-5, Says It's Shutting Down All Previous Models

Yahoo

time19 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

OpenAI Releases GPT-5, Says It's Shutting Down All Previous Models

OpenAI has released its long-awaited GPT-5 AI model, making it free to use for anybody as of today. The Sam Altman-led company calls it "our smartest, fastest, and most useful model yet," making it "more useful responses across math, science, finance, law, and more." "GPT-5 is the first time that it really feels like you're talking to an expert in any topic," Altman said during a press briefing today, likening it to Apple's iPhone switching to high-density Retina displays, whose individual pixels could no longer be made out by the naked eye. Altman didn't hold back, asserting that it's the "best model in the world at coding" and "writing," as well as "health care, and a long list of things beyond that." GPT-5 is a "reasoning" model, which means that it takes an iterative approach to problem solving before coming up with its final output. The company is putting its money where its mouth is. "With GPT-5, we're deprecating all of our old models," said OpenAI researcher Tina Kim during the event, using a term the company uses when it's shutting down an obsolete model. The company also claims that GPT-5 addresses some major pain points with the tech, including hallucinations, which continue to haunt pretty much all currently available AI models to this day, as well as cybersecurity. But how all of this will shake out during real-world use remains to be seen. While OpenAI claims GPT-5 will make it easier than ever before to link one's Google account, Wired's recent reporting on glaring cybersecurity gaps plaguing ChatGPT should make any user think twice about using the company's Connectors feature. The company also claims that GPT-5 is more robust to hijacking attempts — but we'll wait until hackers have had enough time with the tool to draw any conclusions. OpenAI is aiming to enhance customizability by offering four preset personalities, including "cynic," "robot," "listener," and "nerd." In spite of all the braggadocio, Altman admitted that OpenAI was still a very long way from fulfilling its core goal of achieving "artificial general intelligence" (AGI) — a poorly defined term that roughly denotes the point at which an AI's capabilities surpass those of a human — that would benefit all of humanity. "I kind of hate the term AGI, because everyone at this point uses it to mean a slightly different thing, but [GPT-5] is a significant step forward towards models that are really capable," Altman said today. "We're still missing something quite important." It also remains to be seen whether OpenAI has meaningfully addressed the issue of users suffering delusions in the form of "ChatGPT psychosis" with its latest model. Prior to today's announcement, the company released an update this week, announcing that it will be including lackluster "gentle reminders during long sessions to encourage breaks." In short, GPT-5 appears to be yet another incremental step forward as the AI industry attempts to justify the tens of billions of dollars being poured into infrastructure buildouts to power incredibly environmentally damaging AI models. The company already rushed out two "state-of-the-art open-weight language models," dubbed "gpt-oss-120b and gpt-oss-20b," earlier this week, though they're certain to now be overshadowed by GPT-5. One thing's for sure: the former nonprofit is red hot right now. On Wednesday, news emerged that the company is deep into talks about a potential secondary stock sale that would value it at roughly half a trillion dollars. More on OpenAI: It's Staggeringly Easy for Hackers to Trick ChatGPT Into Leaking Your Most Personal Data

The CCP Is Crushing China's Industrial Output
The CCP Is Crushing China's Industrial Output

Epoch Times

timean hour ago

  • Epoch Times

The CCP Is Crushing China's Industrial Output

China's economy is suffering from hidden debt, industrial overcapacity, and a renewed expansion of the same central planning policies that created these problems in the first place. Decades of state-driven growth have left the country dangerously overleveraged, with mounting liabilities and shrinking returns on innovation. Behind the impressive record of rapid industrialization lies a system distorted by state subsidies, overregulation, and artificial incentives. The Chinese Communist Party's (CCP's) refusal to relinquish control to market forces has triggered a decline in industrial output, stifled innovation, and pushed the nation toward a severe debt crisis. China's real debt burden is far higher than official figures suggest, with total debt exceeding 300 percent of GDP, and the once hidden liabilities—such as local government financing vehicles (LGFVs), shadow banking, and real estate loans —are included. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) estimates $8.4 trillion (58 trillion yuan) in off-balance-sheet LGFV debt, nearly 400 percent higher than China's officially reported $2 trillion. And the debts continue to mount, as many LGFVs are unable to service existing obligations without taking on new loans. Taken together, these liabilities reveal a dangerously overleveraged economy, where CCP-led fiscal controls and overcapacity have pushed China toward mounting financial instability. This mounting debt crisis coincides with growing signs of industrial decline. China's manufacturing sector—once the engine of its economic rise—is now buckling under the combined weight of overcapacity, falling demand, and eroding profitability. Production declined in July for only the second time since October 2023, driven by weakening new orders and shrinking export demand, which fell for the fourth consecutive month. China's official manufacturing employment index rose slightly to 48.0 in July 2025 from 47.9 in June. Still, it remains below 50, the level that separates growth from contraction, indicating continued job losses in the sector. The private Caixin Manufacturing PMI confirmed the trend, reporting that factories are cutting staff in response to weak demand and rising cost pressures. Sub-indexes for new orders and raw materials inventory both declined in July, with the new orders index falling to 49.4 from 50.2 in June. This drop is a key leading indicator, reflecting a weaker pipeline of future production. At the same time, manufacturers are drawing down raw material inventories, signaling lowered expectations for third-quarter output. With fewer orders and shrinking stockpiles, factories are likely to scale back production further in the coming months. Industrial profits reflect this downturn, falling to 4.3 percent year on year in June after a 9.1 percent decline in May. For the first half of 2025, profits decreased by 1.8 percent, highlighting deepening weakness across the manufacturing sector. In an effort to stay afloat, manufacturers in key sectors, such as electric vehicles (EVs), lithium batteries, solar panels, and e-commerce, are locked in intense competition, often sacrificing quality and slashing research and development. This has led to market saturation with substandard goods and stifled innovation. The automotive sector exemplifies the broader collapse. Fueled by state subsidies and local government investment, China ramped up EV production to achieve global dominance, but the result was massive overcapacity. A price war, triggered by Tesla's 2023 cuts, has since devastated industry profits and strained the supply chain. Despite selling 15.65 million vehicles in the first half of 2025, automakers saw profits decrease by 12 percent, with even state-backed firms reporting major losses. Nearly identical EV models now compete almost exclusively on price. This has forced manufacturers to cut corners, downgrade product quality, and slash innovation budgets, which Chinese analysts have dubbed 'involution.' Suppliers face delayed payments and steep discount demands, while 73 percent of dealerships failed to meet sales targets in the first half of the year, according to the China Automobile Dealers Association. The crisis in the auto industry reflects deeper structural flaws that threaten China's entire economic model. As with any market crisis, the CCP's response is more control and regulation, failing to recognize that it was Beijing's interference in what should be free and open markets that caused the crisis in the first place. Central authorities are now enforcing faster supplier payments, a heavy-handed measure that treats a symptom while ignoring the underlying disease. They are also introducing a revised ' unfair competition ' law, a move steeped in irony, given that state subsidies and incentives are what created the overcapacity and triggered the price wars. Additionally, the CCP is pushing for the consolidation of weaker brands, a strategy that will ultimately reduce competition and stifle innovation even further. As with any centrally planned economy, serious questions arise: How will the CCP define a 'weaker brand,' and will companies be forced to merge or shut down even if they refuse? In a true free market, weaker brands can survive for decades with smaller market shares, as long as their owners choose to keep operating. The CCP's push to eliminate struggling companies is yet another attempt to control the economy—an intervention that mirrors the very policies that created China's current crises of debt, overproduction, declining profits, and stalled innovation.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store