Min orders stricter rules for biodiesel manufacturing in Raj
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The rural development department is looking at options to revise the existing rules and introduce legislation to curb biofuel adulteration in the state, according to a senior official of the rural development department. The minister directed the officials to formulate effective rules at a competent level.
Meena gave these directions during a meeting to discuss the works conducted by Mission Green Rajasthan, Biofuel Authority, Barren Land and Pasture Development Board, and Aravali (Association for Rural Advancement through Voluntary Action and Local Involvement).
Additionally, Meena directed the preparation of district-wise action plans to make barren lands green and increase the income of rural communities by planting non-edible oil plants like Jatropha and Pongamia. He emphasised organising a meeting of Biofuel Authority and Barren Land and Pasture Development Board to determine future action plans.
He said that under the tree plantation mega campaign in Rajasthan, the target is to plant 10 crore trees across the state by 2025-26, with the rural development department, Panchayati Raj department, and watershed development and soil conservation department jointly allocated a target of planting 2 crore trees.
So far, 1.9 crore trees were planted by over 50 departments, with Mahatma Gandhi NREGA, rural development, and Panchayati Raj department leading by planting approximately 70 lakh trees.
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Indian Express
2 days ago
- Indian Express
J&K nominated MLAs: Centre says ‘no bearing or co-relation with formation of govt'
THE Centre has described the power vested in the Jammu and Kashmir Lt Governor to nominate five members to its Legislative Assembly as 'discretionary', and exercisable by him without the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers in the Union Territory. In an affidavit in the Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh High Court, the Union Home Ministry has also said that this nomination has 'no bearing or co-relation with the formation of the government'. The affidavit was in response to a question framed by the court as to whether Sections 15, 15-A and 15-B of the Jammu & Kashmir Reorganization Act, 2019, providing for nomination of members to the UT's Legislative Assembly over and above its sanctioned strength – which could potentially convert a minority government into a majority government, and vice-a-versa – were in violation of basic structure of the Constitution. Senior Congress leader and its chief spokesperson Ravinder Kumar Sharma had filed a PIL in the High Court, challenging the provisions. Just before results were declared for the first elections held to the J&K Assembly following the abrogation of Article 370, in October 2024, non-BJP parties had expressed apprehension over the L-G's powers to nominate members. This fear was accentuated by claims of a BJP leader that all five would be BJP leaders, and that L-G Manoj Sinha would name them in consultation with the Centre. Opposition parties had demanded that the nominations be made only on 'the aid and advice' of the government that was due to take over, and not precede it. With five nominated members, the strength of the J&K Assembly would be 95, making the majority mark 48. It was feared that the Opposition would not reach this mark, and the BJP would tilt the scales in its favour with the nominated MLAs. Eventually, however, the L-G did not make any nominations before the results, and the National Conference-Congress combine won with 47 MLAs (NC 41 and Congress 6), apart from enjoying the support of four Independents and a CPI(M) MLA. In its affidavit in the High Court, the Union Home Ministry has noted that while Section 15 was part of the original 2019 Reorganization Act, Sections 15A and 15B were added through an amendment in 2023. Section 15A empowers the Lt Governor to nominate two members, one of whom shall be a woman, from the Kashmiri migrant community, while Section 15B provides for nomination of one member from persons displaced from Pakistan Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK). Speaking about Section 15, the Centre's affidavit says that the provision in it for nomination of two women MLAs was similar to an Article in the Constitution of the erstwhile J&K state, before its special status was scrapped. Then the Governor had the power to nominate up to two women members if women were not adequately represented in the Assembly. '(It) is an act of affirmative action, in support of promoting and ensuring female representation.' A 'plain reading' of the statute shows that 'it is a nomination which is to take place at any juncture post-elections, and has no bearing or co-relation with the formation of the government, inasmuch as the standard in the section is representation of women in the Assembly, and not in the government', says the affidavit. On Section 15A, the affidavit refers to the Supreme Court's verdict upholding the abrogation of Article 370 in which Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul wrote an epilogue on the migration of Kashmiri Pandits. 'In order to move forward, the wounds need healing… The first step towards this is to achieve a collective understanding of the human rights violations perpetrated both by State and non-State actors, against peoples of the region,' Justice Kaul wrote. The Centre's affidavit says that it is a matter of record that multiple regions of Kashmir have remained disturbed for decades, leading to extensive displacement of civilians. 'Accordingly, the nomination of two members from the Kashmiri Migrant community under Section 15A serves the objective of providing them with adequate representation, ensuring their voice is heard in the legislative process, and safeguarding their rights and interests,'' it says. Similarly, the affidavit talks of Section 15B providing representation to those displaced from PoJK, in 1947 and during the India-Pakistan wars of 1965 and 1971. 'It is evident that displacement of these communities prevents them from their democratic participation… thereby necessitating the appointment of a nominated representative to ensure that their interests are not entirely excluded from governance.' Therefore, the affidavit says, the legislative intent behind these provisions is 'well-founded in law and equity', ensuring that voices of the displaced are neither ignored nor marginalised. On whether the J&K Lt Governor has to act on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers or has discretionary powers to nominate the five members, the affidavit says that this stands conclusively settled with respect to the Assemblies of both Puducherry and the Municipal Corporation in NCT of Delhi – the other two UTs with Assemblies. Sections 15, 15A and 15B specifically recognise the authority of the Lt Governor to nominate Assembly members, the affidavit says, adding that there can be no doubt that he has to exercise this duty in his discretion as a statutory functionary and not as an extension of the government – and thus, act without aid and advice of the Council of Ministers.
Time of India
5 days ago
- Time of India
Clash at JNU canteen over hygiene, bill row
New Delhi: Jawaharlal Nehru University was once again at the centre of controversy over food on Friday night after a confrontation at the Mughal Darbar canteen spiralled into allegations of poor hygiene, physical altercation and political rivalry. The incident led to JNU Students Union joint secretary Vaibhav Meena locking the canteen, demanding immediate administrative intervention. Mughal Darbar owner Tausif Alam later issued a letter to JNU students apologising for the staff's conduct. The JNU administration refused to comment on the incident. A video of the incident went viral on social media. According to initial accounts, the dispute began over the payment of food bills but quickly expanded into complaints about the quality of food served. Students alleged that the canteen was serving three-day-old vegetarian and non-vegetarian dishes. The verbal spat intensified, and members of ABVP and Left-backed AISA also arrived at the scene, adding a political dimension to the row. You Can Also Check: Delhi AQI | Weather in Delhi | Bank Holidays in Delhi | Public Holidays in Delhi Meena alleged that "intoxicated" staff at the canteen misbehaved with students, snatched mobile phones and assaulted them before fleeing the spot. He claimed that the canteen had no operational licence and was using university resources without adequate authorisation. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Before Dying, My Husband Said, I'm Sorry. I Asked For What. You'll See. Then This Happened Novelodge Undo "We will not allow this or any other dhaba to reopen until the administration inspects licences, hygiene standards, and rate lists," Meena said, accusing JNUSU president Nitish Kumar of siding with the staff. Kumar, however, countered that ABVP-linked students were eating at the canteen and a payment dispute led to the altercation, in which three staff members were injured, though none required hospitalisation. "Meena and his supporters locked the canteen and hurled abuses. We demand a fair inquiry and will ensure the canteen is reopened. ABVP's strong-arm tactics will not be allowed on campus," Kumar said. Alam wrote in his letter that he didn't support the misbehaviour of his staff. "Strict action will be taken and such incidents will not recur. This has no communal angle. I follow all JNU administrative guidelines. I was unwell and could not be present," he wrote. Stay updated with the latest local news from your city on Times of India (TOI). Check upcoming bank holidays , public holidays , and current gold rates and silver prices in your area. Get the latest lifestyle updates on Times of India, along with Raksha Bandhan wishes , messages and quotes !
Hindustan Times
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Tamil Nadu's trans policy: Aspirational yet incomplete
The government of Tamil Nadu has released its State Policy for Transgender Persons, reaffirming its historical leadership in recognising gender-diverse lives. The policy is both expansive and aspirational, aiming to institutionalise dignity, non-discrimination, and socio-economic inclusion for transgender and intersex persons across the state. Unlike the narrower contours of the central legislation, Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, the Tamil Nadu policy charts a more intersectional and rights-affirming vision. Despite its progressive aspirations, the Tamil Nadu State Policy raises significant concerns, particularly on inclusivity in language, the design of reservations, and the narrow scope of its mandate. (HT Photo) At its core, the policy upholds the right to self-identification and mandates all state agencies to respect a person's self-declared gender identity without requiring surgical or medical intervention. It affirms that transgender and intersex persons are entitled to equality before the law and protection from discrimination in all spheres of life. The policy spans a wide range of domains: education, employment, housing, health, legal recognition, protection from violence, and political participation. In education, it mandates anti-discrimination measures, the appointment of grievance redressal officers, and inclusion of gender diversity in curricula. Employment provisions require both public and private workplaces to ensure non-discriminatory hiring, sensitisation programmes, equal career progression, and redress mechanisms. The policy also encourages private employers to extend CSR support for the community. In health care, the policy promises to expand coverage under state insurance schemes to include gender-affirming procedures, train health care workers in trans-competent care, and provide accessible mental health services. It also outlines commitments to legal aid, inclusive housing, shelter homes, and electoral participation. The Transgender Welfare Board is tasked with implementing many of these programmes, including skill development, recruitment drives, and sensitisation efforts. Finally, the policy affirms an intersectional approach, acknowledging that caste, religion, class, and disability may compound the marginalisation faced by trans and intersex persons. The policy also has a section on implementation and monitoring, which requires periodic review of the policy and establishes an oversight mechanism at the executive level. Despite its progressive aspirations, the Tamil Nadu State Policy raises significant concerns — particularly on inclusivity in language, the design of reservations, and the narrow scope of its mandate. First, the Tamil version of the policy uses the word thirunangai: a term that traditionally refers to trans women. The more inclusive and gender-neutral term thirunar is widely used by the community to include trans men and non-binary persons. The persistence of thirunangai in official parlance has significant consequences: trans men in Tamil Nadu have often been turned away from benefits and services under previous schemes because the policies were worded in a way that excluded them. This policy risks reproducing that pattern. The use of exclusionary terminology could undermine its stated commitment to recognising diverse gender identities. Second, the policy makes an important step by recognising transgender and intersex persons as 'socially and educationally most disadvantaged', thus aligning with the Supreme Court's directive in NALSA v. Union of India to extend reservations, something the Transgender Persons Act, 2019 failed to do. Currently, transgender persons in Tamil Nadu are classified under the Most Backward Classes (MBC) category under the state's reservation law. While this offers formal inclusion, it flattens caste and gendered experiences into a single vertical category, ignoring intersectionality. Grace Banu's petition before the Madras High Court seeks horizontal reservations for trans and intersex persons, similar to those for women and persons with disabilities, allowing them to claim benefits across caste lines. Judicial decisions in Nangai v. Superintendent of Police and T. Thanasu v. Secretary, Government of Tamil Nadu have already recognised the right of transgender women to apply under the 'woman' category. Yet, the policy does not reflect this jurisprudence or explicitly commit to horizontal reservations. The reservation framework is expected to be announced in the Assembly, and its design will determine whether inclusion is meaningful or whether it misses these nuances. Third, the policy falls short of the expectations set by the judiciary itself. In Sushma v. Commissioner of Police, the Madras High Court had explicitly directed the State to formulate a comprehensive policy for the LGBTQIA+ community. The Court envisioned a broad-based framework that would address issues of sexual orientation, gender identity, and intersex status. The present policy, however, limits itself to transgender and intersex persons, leaving out lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer individuals altogether. This narrow framing is a missed opportunity to institutionalise protections for the broader queer community and reinforces the fragmentation of LGBTQIA+ advocacy into piecemeal categories. In sum, while the Tamil Nadu State Policy for Transgender Persons makes meaningful strides in codifying state responsibilities toward transgender and intersex persons, it remains incomplete. If Tamil Nadu is to maintain its reputation as a pioneer in gender justice, the policy must undergo further revision — adopting inclusive language, committing to horizontal reservations, and expanding its scope to address the full spectrum of queer experiences. Anything short of this would not be able to ensure true equality, justice, and social inclusion. Jwalika Balaji is research fellow (research director's office), Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy. The views expressed are personal.
