
Ukraine war making North Korea a more formidable fighting force
North Korea has benefited tremendously from its decision to supply enormous quantities of ammunition and soldiers to Russia in return for advanced nuclear and missile technology and diplomatic cover.
North Korea's involvement in the conflict is transforming it into a much more capable and technologically advanced rogue state in East Asia. This evolving threat may soon prompt South Korea to reassess its security strategies in an increasingly challenging international environment.
As Russia's invasion of Ukraine began to turn into a protracted conflict in late 2022, Moscow faced a problem: it was at risk of running low on ammunition and soldiers to send to the front lines.
Its diplomatic overtures to North Korea began soon after. In July 2023, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu was warmly received by North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in a visit to the North Korean capital, Pyongyang.
In a matter of weeks, high-resolution satellite imagery showed what looked like the establishment of a new munitions supply route from North Korea to Russia.
Around that time, Russia was using about 5,000 artillery shells per day. Around the time the first North Korean shells would have arrived at the front lines, several months later, the rate suddenly increased to an average of 15,000 per day.
In September 2023, Kim travelled to Russia for a meeting with President Vladimir Putin, where he was given the red-carpet treatment at a space satellite launch facility.
In mid-2024, Putin repaid the favour, making his first visit to Pyongyang in 24 years. He signed a new strategic partnership treaty with North Korea that included mutual defence clauses – each country pledged to provide immediate military assistance if either faced armed aggression.
Soon after, a deployment of 11,000 North Korean troops was headed to the front lines to help Russia retake the Russian region of Kursk, part of which had been captured by Ukraine.
Now, following another visit by Shoigu to Pyongyang in June of this year, Ukrainian officials say another 25,000–30,000 North Korean soldiers are heading to Russia in the months ahead.
North Korea is also sending thousands of builders and deminers to help rebuild the Kursk region.
Estimates from a German think tank suggest North Korea has earned anywhere from US$1.7 billion to $5.5 billion from selling war materiel to Russia since 2023. The think tank also estimates North Korea may be receiving up to half a billion US dollars annually from the troop deployments.
Russia is also helping North Korea modernize its aging Soviet-era military. For example, Russia appears to have provided assistance to Pyongyang in building a critical new air-defense system, an airborne early warning system, tanks with improved electronic warfare systems, a naval destroyer with supersonic cruise missiles and air-to-air missiles.
In addition, North Korean soldiers have received valuable modern combat experience using artificial intelligence and drones against a highly skilled Ukrainian military. And Russian soldiers have also tested North Korea's weapons in combat, such as ballistic missiles, which will assist in their future research and development.
With Russian expertise, North Korea has also made recent progress on technologies associated with launching satellites and intercontinental ballistic missiles, which can deliver numerous miniaturised nuclear warheads.
These developments mean South Korea and its allies will need to deal with a much more battle-hardened and technologically advanced North Korean military. Its antiquated systems, historically limited by isolation and a range of international sanctions, are now being rapidly transformed, making it a much more formidable foe.
South Korea's new liberal president, Lee Jae Myung, is much less hawkish on North Korea and Russia than his predecessors.
Instead, Lee is doing his best to ease tensions with the North. For instance, he recently ordered propaganda speakers to be removed from the North Korean border, which I visited this week.
Though North Korea also dismantled its own propaganda speakers from the border, it has largely rebuffed other overtures from South Korea. The regime's rapidly expanding Russian ties give it little incentive to resume international talks aimed at reducing sanctions.
Lee may soon find the evolving situation across the border requires a much more proactive security policy.
South Korea may seek to bolster coordination with its main ally, the United States, and others in the region, such as Australia.
For example, joint military exercises between South Korea and the US later this month will specifically focus on the threats posed by the North's advancing missile program, as well as drones, GPS jamming and cyber attacks.
Current South Korean law prohibits it from sending arms to war zones, but Seoul has helped Ukraine indirectly and stepped up its sales of weapons elsewhere in Europe.
And though Lee skipped the recent NATO summit that his predecessor had attended three years in a row, he may need to reverse course and continue deepening ties with the bloc if his soft diplomacy approach with the North doesn't bear fruit.
Adam Simpson is senior lecturer of international studies, University of South Australia
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


RTHK
4 hours ago
- RTHK
UK PM hosts Zelensky on eve of US-Russia summit
UK PM hosts Zelensky on eve of US-Russia summit Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, right, and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer depart 10 Downing Street, in London. Photo: Reuters Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky on Thursday met with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer in London in a show of support on the eve of a key US-Russia summit from which Kyiv and its European allies have been excluded. Starmer greeted the Ukrainian leader with a warm hug and handshake on the steps of his Downing Street residence, only hours after Zelensky took part in a virtual call with US President Donald Trump. Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin will meet on Friday at an air base in Alaska. A stepped-up Russian offensive, and the fact Zelensky has not been invited to the Anchorage meeting, have heightened fears that Trump and Putin could strike a deal that forces painful concessions on Ukraine. But Starmer said on Wednesday there was now a "viable" chance for a ceasefire in Ukraine after more than three years of fighting. (AFP)


AllAfrica
6 hours ago
- AllAfrica
Scott Bessent's got a Japanese blind spot
TOKYO – Fresh off getting outmaneuvered by Tokyo on a 'trade deal,' President Donald Trump's team is going even further to demonstrate its ignorance of the state of play in Japan. Case in point: US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent complaining that the Bank of Japan isn't hiking interest rates fast enough, when his boss is the reason officials can't tighten policy. As Bessent told Bloomberg this week: 'They're behind the curve. So they're going to be hiking and they need to get their inflation problem under control.' Sure, just as soon as Bessent gets Trumponomics under control. Does Bessent not understand that four months ago, BOJ Governor Kazuo Ueda was on track to get Japanese rates the furthest away from zero they've been in 26 years, only to get derailed by Trump's tariffs? To be sure, it's hard to know what the global face of the Trump 2.0 economy really believes and what he must say on television to keep his job. And it's painfully obvious what Bessent is up to here: trying to weaken the dollar via Japanese monetary policy as Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell slow-walks US rate cuts. Fair enough, but such comments are inspiring more eye-rolling in Asia than intellectual debate about BOJ policies. In Tokyo, in fact, the BOJ has become a backburner issue. With Japan expected to grow just 0.7% in the current fiscal year and inflation pressures easing, the odds of the BOJ raising rates at its September 18-19 or October 29-30 meetings have dwindled to the point that economists have pivoted to other topics. Yes, inflation is still way too high in Japan. But news that Japanese wholesale prices rose just 2.6% in July year on year suggests that the urgency for raising rates is diminishing. Perhaps Bessent has missed, too, that the Nikkei 225 Stock Average, on the same day he spoke to Bloomberg, rallied to an all-time record. The reason: delight over a US-Japan tariff deal that, in the end, demanded little of Tokyo. While a 15% Trump tax on Japanese goods is no one's idea of fun, it's a world away from the 35% the White House threatened. Japanese automakers are sure happy to be paying, in theory, a lower rate than the 25% Detroit must pay on imports from plants and suppliers in Canada and Mexico. To be sure, much of this is still shrouded in confusion as Trump gets an earful from unhappy US automakers. As Matt Blunt, president of The American Automotive Policy Council, puts it, 'any deal that charges a lower tariff for Japanese imports with virtually no US content than the tariff imposed on North American-built vehicles with high US content is a bad deal for US industry and US auto workers.' For automakers, there's a bit of a deja-vu-all-over-again dynamic here. As Blunt explains, the trade framework Trump negotiated with the UK did more to lower tariffs to 10% on some luxury cars built in England, such as the Rolls-Royce, Bentleys, Land Rovers, Jaguars and Aston Martins, than aid Detroit. The risk of Trump World reneging has the team of Japan's top tariff negotiator Ryosei Akazawa anxious. There's also been controversy over a practice called 'stacking,' whereby one 15% tariff is piled atop existing tariffs. After considerable back and forth, Japan claims Team Trump has agreed not to stack tariffs. For now, at least. All this is the product of a hastily assembled tariff deal with no written materials. The bottom line is that 'without a written agreement between Japan and the US, no promise or claim of mutual understanding is secure until it appears in an Executive Order,' says Richard Katz, who publishes the Japan Economy Watch newsletter. Lawmakers are deeply worried, too, that Trump could simply have a bad day and decide the US and Japan should negotiate a new, new tariff arrangement with its closest ally in Asia. 'Washington is just randomly shooting, and they are shooting some like-minded countries from behind,' says Taro Kono, a member of Japan's House of Representatives, who's often mentioned as a future prime minister. And that US$550 billion that Japan is expected to invest in the US at Trump's direction? What Trump calls a 'signing bonus' to be handed over to the White House – it's'our money,' as he said – Tokyo views as more of an aspirational endeavor with a vague timeline, perhaps over a number of years. Rather than forking over a pile of cash, Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's team is eyeing a series of loans, grants and financial guarantees run through government-linked organizations like the Japan Bank for International Cooperation and Nippon Export and Investment Insurance. Suffice to say, the logistics of this are going to take lots of back and forth and loads of additional negotiation sessions. In the meantime, Ishiba's inner circle hopes the US courts will rule Trump's tariffs are unconstitutional, enabling Japan to avoid this whole mess. Also, Tokyo will watch closely to see how South Korea proceeds with the $350 billion it agreed to deploy in the US and what the European Union does about the $600 billion worth of US energy purchases Trump is demanding as part of its deal. None of these really matters in the end if Trump and Bessent don't get China to the table. Trump World's stuck-in-1985 policy mix has missed that in our globalized era, where supply chains matter more than national borders, bilateral trade deals mean less than multilateral ones. That is, unless Trump manages to get one with China's nearly $18 trillion economy. Combined, the US and China represent $45.5 trillion of gross domestic product (GDP). As tariff pain weighs on the US economy, Trump's challenge is to convince his base that the inflation, market chaos and extreme uncertainty of the last several months were somehow worth it. The only way, really, is a big, beautiful China trade deal that Trump can tout as proof he's still got some 'art of the deal' game left. Xi is playing hard to get, though, scoring another 90-day extension on talks. As Xi's China complicates the US Treasury's 2025, Bessent is having to do some Japan maintenance. One avenue is prodding the BOJ to raise rates in lieu of its inability to cajole the US Fed to lower them. Another: soothing nerves in Tokyo about its $1.1 trillion exposure to Trumponomics. Japan is by far the biggest holder of US Treasury securities. That's a rough place to be when Trump is working to morph the Fed into the People's Bank of China by stripping it of its independence. Trump, of course, has threatened to fire Powell for not bowing to his demand for big rate cuts. Bessent, commenting on how much Fed easing he wants, argues that 'we should probably be 150, 175 basis points lower' from the current 4.25% to 4.5% target range. If the Fed is perceived as becoming an extension of Trump's West Wing, the dollar would drop for all the wrong reasons. And Trump's assumption that the Fed slashing rates at his behest would lower borrowing costs might not end well. It's very likely that Powell cutting rates sharply in a cloud of Trumpian suspicion would result in long-term yields surging. Already, the US is spending more on interest payments on the national debt each year than on the American military. Tokyo worries deeply about the prospect of sustaining hundreds of billions of dollars of losses if Trump crashes the US government debt market. But then Tokyo has also had to fend off an avalanche of misinformation from Trump World. Trump claims, for example, that Tokyo's non-tariff barriers keep Japanese from buying US cars. The real reason is that Japan makes high-quality, fuel-efficient cars geared for narrow Japanese streets and claustrophobic parking spaces, while oversized American vehicles often lack practicality on Japan's roadways. And here's Bessent adding to the mountain of misconceptions as he argues that volatility in Japan is putting US Treasuries at risk. 'There's definitely leakage from — the Japanese have an inflation problem,' he says. Bessent added that he's spoken with BOJ head Ueda recently, noting: 'My opinion, not his — they're behind the curve. So they're going to be hiking.' Not exactly. Certainly not until Bessent finds the courage to counsel Trump against the forever trade wars he seems to be launching in real time. Thanks to the collateral damage from the tariffs, the odds are rising that the BOJ's next move will be to cut rates as GDP takes hits, not raise them. Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek


AllAfrica
8 hours ago
- AllAfrica
Why Zelensky should be at the table in Alaska
The upcoming summit between US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin on August 15 in Anchorage, Alaska, is more than a meeting between world leaders. It is a diplomatic gamble for high stakes, one that seeks to deal with the ongoing war in Ukraine but also exposes the contradictory interests between the two sides. For Trump, the summit is a continuation of his repeated promise to bring an end to the war in Ukraine. Throughout his campaign for president, Trump boasted that he could settle the war within 24 hours of being sworn in, a brash promise that now looks and sounds empty nearly eight months into his term. His August 8 ceasefire deadline came and went with minimal movement on either side. His reaction was to declare this headline-grabbing summit with Putin. The concept, in Trump's words, is to 'feel out' the Russian president and coax him into a ceasefire. But this strategy is confronted by the cold reality that Russia's goals in Ukraine were never about negotiating a peace treaty. They are about territorial expansion and imposing a new sphere of influence, something that Putin is not going to give up without a major change in the prevailing geopolitical scenario, where Moscow has Beijing's firm backing. The meeting place is symbolic as well. Convened in Anchorage, Alaska, a state that has long historical roots with Russia (sold by Russia to the US in 1867), the summit unites the heads of two countries, which are only divided by the slim Bering Strait, at a location replete with Cold War-era military history. Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, where the talks will take place, is a strategic US base in Alaska's defense posture. This context emphasizes the strategic character of the summit. It is no coincidence that Trump and Putin are meeting at a place that defines the complicated dynamic between their two nations, competing in many ways, yet neighbours bound by shared histories and interests. But there is something deeply disturbing in the structure of this summit. Trump and Putin will sit at the same table, while Ukraine itself is left out of the negotiations, much to the dismay of President Volodymyr Zelensky. Trump, who has repeatedly expressed disappointment with Putin over the course of the war, has nonetheless indicated that he will push for territory to be returned to Ukraine, particularly in the wake of Russia's occupation of Crimea and the eastern regions of Donetsk and Luhansk. But Trump has also warned that the solution could involve 'swapping' land, an approach that would no doubt outrage Ukraine and its allies in Europe. For Zelensky, this represents a non-starter: any deal that cedes Ukrainian territory to Russia is unacceptable. Putin, however, stands firm in his requirements. He wants Ukraine to be neutral and outside of NATO, and for Russia to keep control of Crimea and portions of the Donbas. For Moscow, the war is not merely about winning territory; it is a battle to keep NATO from encroaching further into what Russia envisions as its sphere of influence. The fight over Ukraine is representative of a larger geopolitical battle between the West and Russia, and Putin is not likely to relinquish these core demands. The exclusion of Ukraine from the negotiations is sad but expected. Although Trump has intimated that Zelensky may be invited to the table at a later date, the implication is clear: the future of Ukraine will be determined by a select few world leaders without direct input from the people and government whose lives and sovereignty are most at stake. Zelensky's legitimate concern is that any deal not involving Ukraine proactively would be a deal imposed on the country, ignoring its people's desire and territorial sovereignty. So what does the summit ultimately represent for Ukraine? On one hand, of course, it holds out the chance for US-influenced diplomatic interaction with Russia. On the other hand, Ukraine risks its future being negotiated away in the interest of political expediency. Trump's approach of trying to browbeat Putin into a ceasefire, admirable in its intent to end the carnage, has the potential to make concessions that will not result in a durable, long-term peace. Any deal compelling Ukraine to submit to Russian domination of occupied land would not only be a moral letdown but a geopolitical mistake with profound implications for the security of Europe and the global order. In the broad context, the summit also highlights the failure of diplomacy in an environment where power politics reign supreme. The fact is that the conflict in Ukraine is not simply a local issue; it is a proxy war between global powers. The US, NATO and Russia are engaged in a battle for control of Ukraine, leaving the country's citizens in the miserable middle. Although Trump has good intentions in seeking an end to the war, however, any meaningful resolution requires a comprehensive approach that takes into account the legitimate interests and sovereignty of Ukraine while also addressing the security concerns of Russia. All in all, the Trump-Putin summit in Anchorage will be a pivotal moment, but it is unlikely to yield any simple solution. The path to peace in Ukraine will require more than just a summit between two world leaders. It will require a commitment to the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and self-determination. Until these values are upheld, any 'deal' reached will only serve to perpetuate the cycle of conflict and suffering that has already devastated Ukraine and its people. Bilal Habib Qazi is an independent researcher based in Pakistan with a PhD in international relations from Jilin University in China. His research interests span geopolitics and strategic competition, foreign policy analysis, international security and regional order, as well as global governance and international organizations. He may be reached at bhqazi@