Support for PM Ishiba Cabinet hits record-low 23% after election loss
The approval rating for Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's Cabinet dipped to just under 23 percent, the lowest level since he took office in October, a Kyodo News poll showed Tuesday, underscoring his continuing plight following his ruling coalition's major setback in the weekend House of Councillors election.
Although Ishiba is facing growing calls from within his Liberal Democratic Party to step down to take responsibility for Sunday's election drubbing, respondents of the survey were divided on the issue, with 51.6 percent demanding his resignation and 45.8 percent thinking otherwise.
On policies regarding foreigners, which took center stage in election campaigning amid a growing number of workers and tourists from overseas, 65.6 percent backed stricter regulations on issues such as immigration control and real estate acquisition, while 26.7 percent did not want any changes, and 4.4 percent called for easing the regulations.
The telephone survey was conducted Monday and Tuesday, after the latest national election resulted in the LDP and its coalition partner Komeito losing control of both chambers of parliament, allowing smaller opposition forces, including the right-leaning populist Sanseito party, to expand their presence.
Ishiba has expressed his intention to stay in office to avoid a political stalemate in the midst of public struggles over high prices and negotiations with the United States on tariffs as a deadline nears on Aug. 1.
The Ishiba Cabinet's approval rating plunged 9.6 points from June to 22.9 percent, surpassing the previous low of 27.4 percent in May. The disapproval rate climbed 14.9 points to 65.8 percent.
Support for the LDP also fell 9.0 points to 20.7 percent, the lowest level since Junichiro Koizumi became prime minister in 2001, though the figures are based on different survey methods and exclude the period when the LDP was out of power. Koizumi, who led the party at the time, enjoyed broad Cabinet support during his five-year tenure.
The survey also showed that 36.2 percent of respondents, the largest group, want the nation to be steered by "a new framework through political realignment," followed by 28.0 percent who hope some opposition parties will join the LDP-Komeito coalition.
The long-ruling LDP still remains the largest force in parliament. But a political deadlock is expected without opposition support, as the upper house, although less powerful than the House of Representatives, is a crucial part of the process to ensure laws and policies are enacted and advanced.
It is the first time since 1994 that Japan's ruling parties have fallen short of a majority control of both houses.
In a multiple-choice question on which opposition parties the LDP-Komeito coalition should seek closer cooperation with, 35.1 percent selected the Democratic Party for the People, which gained momentum in the October lower house election and again in Sunday's upper house poll.
The Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan, the largest opposition party, was chosen by 21.9 percent, followed by 20.4 percent who picked Sanseito, a fledgling party that rose to prominence via YouTube. It has drawn voters with its "Japanese First" slogan and warnings of what it calls a "silent invasion" by foreigners.
When casting their ballots, 42.3 percent of respondents said they considered each party's policies on foreigners, while 56.0 percent said they did not.
As parties ramp up their use of social media and video platforms for campaigning, 64.0 percent said the information did not significantly influence their voting behavior, compared with 34.9 percent who said it did.
Asked about the most important issue in the election, 32.2 percent of respondents cited measures to address rising prices, followed by 18.7 percent who chose social security, including pensions, and 11.4 percent who pointed to economic conditions and employment.
By political party, support for the CDPJ rose to 10.8 percent, up from 9.2 percent in the June survey.
Support for the Japan Innovation Party, the second-largest opposition force in the lower house, stood at 5.2 percent, falling behind the DPP, which saw its backing rise to 15.1 percent.
Support for Sanseito surged to 11.8 percent from 3.7 percent. Meanwhile, the share of respondents who identified with no political party dropped to 12.3 percent from 21.1 percent.
For the survey, 516 randomly selected households with eligible voters and 3,217 mobile phone numbers were called, yielding responses from 424 household members and 625 mobile phone users.
© KYODO
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Mainichi
2 hours ago
- The Mainichi
Japan may face political turmoil if PM quits soon after election loss
TOKYO (Kyodo) -- If Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba resigns soon, the move could herald political turmoil in Japan, as no decisive winner emerged from Sunday's House of Councillors election, in which the ruling bloc suffered a major setback. Having lost its majority in both chambers of parliament it remains unclear whether the ruling Liberal Democratic Party could even produce the next prime minister from within its own ranks, should Ishiba step down. Amid deep ideological divisions, prospects for an opposition-led government are dim, compelling the LDP's next leader to pursue new alliances. Should coalition talks falter, Japan could be thrust into a period of prolonged political turbulence, analysts warn. The ruling bloc was already a minority in the more powerful House of Representatives following last year's general election, held about a month after Ishiba won the LDP leadership race in late September. Frustration over his government's failure to take effective measures to ease the negative impact of inflation on the economy also led to the LDP losing this year's Tokyo metropolitan assembly election one month before the upper house race. A government official said, "Ishiba struck out on three pitches. He's out and it's time to switch sides." Some pundits say Ishiba's reluctance to cut the consumption tax rate to maintain the social security system -- a move believed to favor the elderly -- is viewed by the younger generation as tone-deaf to household struggles, eroding support across ideological lines. The LDP has not clarified whether it will begin discussing a consumption tax cut with opposition parties. Ikuo Gonoi, a politics professor at Takachiho University, said the public "will not be satisfied" unless the ruling party "makes concessions" on the issue. Ishiba, meanwhile, said Japan has reached a crucial trade agreement with the United States, avoiding the worst-case scenario of a 25 percent "reciprocal tariff," but the deal's conclusion may pave the way for Ishiba's exit, the pundits added. While the ruling camp's loss of its majority in both the lower and upper houses has provided a window of opportunity for opposition parties to take power, they have been ideologically fragmented, particularly on national security issues. Even if the LDP-led coalition remains the core of the government, it must seek cooperation from opposition parties to pass individual bills and budgets, at least until the next scheduled upper house election in three years. Ishiba's resignation would force the LDP to hold a leadership race -- either involving rank-and-file members or decided swiftly by lawmakers alone. A shift toward a more conservative, pro-spending figure might be the party's best bet. Sanae Takaichi, a former minister for economic security, is considered a top candidate to succeed Ishiba. She won the most rank-and-file votes in the previous LDP leadership race and would become the party's first female president if elected. Takaichi, known as an advocate of expansionary fiscal spending and hawkish national security policies, could trigger a broader political realignment as Ishiba has alienated conservative supporters from the LDP. If the LDP pivots rightward, the possibility of a grand coalition with the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan would diminish, as the largest opposition force holds more left-leaning perspectives on security and diplomacy. But some conservative opposition groups that gained momentum in the latest election -- such as the Democratic Party for the People and the right-leaning populist Sanseito party -- could align with Takaichi's LDP, making a coalition feasible. Even so, it remains to be seen whether Takaichi can become Japan's first female prime minister. As a last resort to expand the coalition, the LDP could tap a partner party leader as premier in exchange for securing a bicameral majority. In Japan, the biggest party in parliament has occasionally handed the prime ministership to the leader of a smaller coalition partner to form a government, most notably after the LDP was briefly ousted from power in 1993. Other potential successors to Ishiba could face difficulties bringing other parties into the coalition, as many are regarded as moderates like him. He has prompted conservative opposition groups to further distance themselves from the LDP. Farm minister Shinjiro Koizumi, who has regained media attention for promoting efforts to curb surging rice prices, is perceived as a close ally of Ishiba, while Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshimasa Hayashi shares the blame for Sunday's setback as the government's top spokesman. Former Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, Ishiba's predecessor, appears eager to make a comeback, but he has not escaped criticism for losing the conservative support base that Shinzo Abe, Japan's longest-serving premier who was assassinated in 2022, had built. Only Koizumi seems well-positioned to forge a coalition government with the conservative Japan Innovation Party, as he has a "strong affinity" with its leader, Osaka Gov. Hirofumi Yoshimura, the group's founder Toru Hashimoto said on a TV program. If the next LDP president fails to join hands with groups other than its long-standing partner Komeito party, the opposition bloc could submit a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet. Given the seat distribution in the lower house, the motion is set to pass. The new leader would then most likely dissolve the lower house and call a snap election, said Masamichi Adachi, chief economist for Japan at UBS Securities, adding, "In any case, political uncertainty is expected to continue for some time."
The Mainichi
2 hours ago
- The Mainichi
US-Japan: Reimagining an alliance for a fractured world
The following is a contribution to the Mainichi Shimbun from Michael Schiffer, who served as assistant administrator of the Bureau for Asia at the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), which was dismantled by the Donald Trump administration. In his contribution, Schiffer discusses the future of the Japan-U.S. alliance. -- In the first six months of the second Trump administration, the U.S.-Japan alliance has been rocked by renewed uncertainty. Although the July 22 tariff agreement has relieved some of the immediate pressure, the negotiations were contentious and drawn-out, with the White House's threats to impose fresh tariffs on Japanese automobiles and agriculture, coupled with demands that Tokyo increase its host-nation support for U.S. forces and step up its security commitments in the region -- demands that may have contributed to the "postponement" of a planned 2+2 meeting earlier this month -- reviving painful memories of the trade wars and alliance strains of the 1980s. Trump's public questioning of whether the United States will live up to its alliance commitments, alongside his erratic posture on Ukraine and unilateral cuts to foreign assistance programs -- including those supporting Indo-Pacific infrastructure and governance -- have further shaken confidence in the reliability of American leadership. At a time when the foundational pillars of the post-war world are cracking under the combined weight of technological upheaval, environmental crisis, demographic transformation, and a new era of great-power rivalry, these moves have undermined the sense of strategic stability that has long defined an alliance that has served as the cornerstone for peace, security and prosperity for Tokyo and Washington alike. In the face of these structural changes, alliance managers must move beyond the conceptual mainstream, and seek to imagine a new world rather than continue to act as custodians of a fading order, attempting to solve 21st-century problems with 20th-century blueprints and defending the sanctity of an alliance built for a world that no longer exists. And yet, Japan remains one of America's most capable, trusted, and forward-looking allies. With its advanced economy, technological prowess, and increasingly assertive defense policy, Japan is uniquely positioned to work with the United States on the basis of shared interests and shared values to navigate the strategic challenges of a more contested Indo-Pacific -- and the generational challenge of a more assertive and aggressive China, with its own vision for what the regional and global order should look like. Neither the U.S. or Japan are likely to be successful in this undertaking alone, and even less so if Washington and Tokyo are working at cross-purposes. Doing so will also require more than a reaffirmation of old commitments. The rapidly changing global geostrategic and geoeconomic landscapes demand a fundamental reimagining of the alliance -- across economic, technological, diplomatic, and military domains. The rise of a more assertive China -- militarizing the South and East China Seas, threatening Taiwan, weaponizing economic coercion, and seeking to shape global norms to its advantage -- has made clear that alliances anchored in Cold War-era assumptions about roles, missions and capabilities are no longer sufficient. Tokyo recognizes this: Japan has undertaken a historic defense build-up, doubled its defense budget, and committed to acquiring counterstrike capabilities, signaling a Japan that is ready to be not just a junior partner, but a co-equal shaper of regional stability. The United States must meet this moment with strategic imagination, not just a narrowly construed "America First" transnationalism. That means moving beyond instrumental debates over cost-sharing to deepen integration across defense planning, technological innovation, and economic resilience. The U.S.-Japan alliance faces a precarious security landscape, one demanding immediate and decisive action. From China's assertive military expansion and "gray zone" tactics in the East and South China Seas, particularly around the Senkaku Islands and Taiwan, to North Korea's relentless pursuit of nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities, the Indo-Pacific is increasingly volatile, all part and parcel of an international system that is rapidly evolving from X to Y. Given the scope and scale of these challenges, we cannot afford complacency. It is imperative that Washington and Tokyo accelerate our joint development of next-generation defense technologies -- AI-enabled command systems, autonomous platforms, cyber defense -- and fast-tracking the co-development and deployment of advanced technologies, strengthening integrated air and missile defense systems, and ensuring seamless interoperability of our forces across all domains. This will help the alliance to deter aggression and operate effectively in an era defined by multi-domain conflict. The time to act is now, not only to safeguard our shared security interests but to uphold regional stability and to set the rules for the evolving international order against growing authoritarian challenges. Economically, the alliance must focus on shaping the rules of the road for the 21st century. With the Trans-Pacific Partnership long abandoned, the U.S. and Japan should spearhead digital trade agreements, investment screening regimes, and supply chain partnerships that insulate both economies from coercive pressures. Initiatives like the U.S.-Japan Economic Policy Consultative Committee (EPCC) should be scaled up into a formal economic dialogue akin to the 2+2 defense framework, driving coordination on geoeconomic strategy. While headlines may be dominated by tariffs and calls for economic rebalancing, it's crucial to recognize these discussions as echoes of a bygone era. While there are valid arguments for rebalancing, obsessing over trade deficits and protectionist measures risks diverting our focus from the true challenges and opportunities of the 21st century. The global economic landscape has fundamentally shifted, and our attention must pivot from the battles of the past to the imperative of co-leading the future. This means looking beyond traditional trade in goods to foster deeper collaboration and shared investments in areas like the governance of emerging technologies, resilient supply chains, and the green economy, ensuring our alliance is not just economically balanced but future-proofed. Finally, Japan and the United States should jointly invest in regional capacity-building -- from infrastructure finance to maritime domain awareness to climate resilience. This means reconsidering cuts to foreign assistance and treating development as a strategic instrument. Japan's extensive development networks and America's innovation ecosystem can be combined to offer a robust alternative to China's Belt and Road. To meet the test of this moment, the U.S.-Japan alliance must become more than a security arrangement. It must be a platform for shared strategy, innovation, and governance in the Indo-Pacific. The future of the U.S.-Japan alliance hinges on our willingness to confront the present with clear eyes and bold action. This isn't a moment for nostalgia; it's a demand for strategic reimagining. We must move beyond outdated notions of stability and influence to rebuild an alliance fit for a fragmented and fast-moving world. This means prioritizing investment beyond military modernization to include the governance of emerging technologies. It requires us to fully integrate climate adaptation and economic competitiveness as core pillars of national security. And critically, it compels us to evolve the institutions and coalitions -- both formal and informal -- that are essential for managing geopolitical volatility and for competing effectively with the PRC. The past six months have been challenging for Tokyo and Washington. But we have an opportunity to seize the moment to forge an alliance that is not just resilient, but truly transformative for the 21st century. Profile: Michael Schiffer has served as U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for East Asia, senior advisor and counselor on the Democratic Staff of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and assistant administrator of the USAID Bureau for Asia. His areas of expertise include U.S. foreign and defense policy, and security in the Indo-Pacific region.
Japan Today
2 hours ago
- Japan Today
Nobel panel head hails A-bomb survivors' stories as 'inspirational'
Norwegian Nobel Committee chair Jorgen Watne Frydnes on Friday hailed atomic bomb survivors' testimonies as an "inspirational" force for eliminating nuclear weapons, while urging Japan and other countries to take action against the threat they pose. "You really feel inspirational of how can you turn memory into a force for change and a force for peace," Frydnes said in an interview with Kyodo News in Tokyo, during his first visit to Japan. He was involved in awarding the 2024 Nobel Peace Prize to Nihon Hidankyo, Japan's leading group of atomic bomb survivors. Frydnes has visited Hiroshima and Nagasaki -- the two cities devastated by the U.S. atomic bombing in the final days of World War II -- and also met with atomic bomb survivors, including 83-year-old Nihon Hidankyo representative Toshiyuki Mimaki, and local activists working toward nuclear abolition. As time is running out to hear directly from atomic bomb survivors, who are called hibakusha in Japanese, Frydnes said, "Now we need to listen. Tomorrow, we need to act." The 40-year-old also said, "Telling stories across generations and across oceans matters," recalling how he learned about hibakusha and the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons as a child in Norway. While expressing hope that all governments, including Japan's, will do more to reduce the threat of nuclear weapons, he acknowledged that the path is "filled with dilemmas." Drawing parallels with Norway, which, as a member of NATO, relies on nuclear deterrence for protection, Frydnes said, "In countries like ourselves, it starts with the people and the inhabitants." Japan, the only country to have suffered nuclear attacks, advocates for a world free of nuclear weapons. However, it relies on the U.S. nuclear umbrella for deterrence and has not joined a U.N. treaty banning the weapons. Norway has also not signed the U.N. Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, which entered into force in 2021. "Even though it will be a long and challenging road ahead, we should not give up on the vision that the world should be free of nuclear weapons at some point, and (there will be) no more hibakusha," Frydnes said. Amid rising geopolitical instability, Frydnes noted that the "nuclear taboo," which survivors have been instrumental in establishing, is under threat. He described awarding the Nobel Peace Prize as both sounding an "alarm bell" and "honoring those who have done a tremendous job of establishing the taboo." Nihon Hidankyo, or the Japan Confederation of A- and H-Bomb Sufferers Organizations, received the prestigious award for what the Nobel committee called "efforts to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons and for demonstrating through witness testimony that nuclear weapons must never be used again." The United States dropped an atomic bomb over Hiroshima on Aug. 6, 1945, and detonated a second one above Nagasaki three days later. Japan surrendered six days after the Nagasaki bombing, bringing an end to World War II. The attacks killed an estimated 214,000 people by the end of 1945, leaving numerous survivors grappling with long-term physical and mental health challenges. © KYODO
