logo
Why force majeure clauses in leases are crucial amid tariff uncertainty

Why force majeure clauses in leases are crucial amid tariff uncertainty

The only certainty businesses can rely upon from the current administration's trade policies is, well, uncertainty.
On Inauguration Day, President Donald Trump announced across the board 25% tariffs on Canadian and Mexican imports. Six days later, 25% tariffs on all Colombian imports. In response, Colombia retaliated with 25% tariffs on U.S. goods. Since then, the tariff whiplash ride has continued, including tariffs on Chinese imports and steel and aluminum imports, among others, as demonstrated in this timeline.
Amid the fluctuation, national and global economic markets are reeling from the same levels of angst and inability to plan as were experienced during the pandemic and supply chain issues of 2020. During those chaotic times, companies sat on their cash and assets, not knowing what to expect or when the markets would normalize or return to their previous levels. For various reasons, but mainly due to governmental regulations mandating the closures of certain non-essential businesses, many companies closed their doors, stopped operating, or required their employees to work from home.
Given the unprecedented nature of these events, many companies looked at the force majeure provisions of their leases to justify reducing or ceasing their rental payments for facilities that they were either unable or unwilling to use. Lawyers representing both landlords and tenants were hyper-focused on reviewing their force majeure provisions. These 'miscellaneous' provisions, generally relegated to a quick check to make sure they were in the lease, were now being given the same level of substantive review and scrutiny typically reserved for rent tables.
The results of this exercise (and the resulting court cases) are polished force majeure clauses that very specifically and expressly list governmental regulations and ordinances imposed due to epidemics or pandemics as specific force majeure events, clarifying with even greater detail that any such events of force majeure do not excuse a tenant's obligation to continue to fulfill its financial obligations under a lease (specifically a continued obligation to pay rent). Such clarification is now so common that any attorney representing a landlord who fails to include such express language in its force majeure clause runs the risk of being on the losing end of a malpractice claim.
The unrelenting and pervasive uncertainty surrounding current trade wars presents another opportunity to shine up that recently polished force majeure clause to address the newest force majeure event: the effect of tariffs on the reduced availability or the prohibitive costs of equipment and materials.
Many well-drafted force majeure clauses may already have the unavailability of labor or materials listed as such an event of force majeure. However, just as many fail to list such an eventuality at all — and even fewer mention anything directly about the influence and impact of trade wars and tariffs. Although many companies have stockpiled equipment and materials to get ahead of any increased cost of imports, those stockpiles will eventually be depleted. Once replenished, to maintain operating income, many businesses will be forced to either replenish such items at a higher cost, which will likely be passed along to consumers, or maintain a lower inventory, resulting in shortages of certain materials. Combine these higher prices and inventory shortages with the very common buildout requirements of almost every lease and you have a brewing performance and delivery issue that must now be addressed.
The majority of leases that contain either a landlord or tenant build-out also contain some deadline by which such work must be completed. Failure to meet such deadline is usually remedied by some offsetting free rent or possibly an ultimate right to terminate. The current issue now becomes one of timing. Although you may currently be negotiating the terms of a lease and may be looking at the current costs and availability of equipment and materials to complete the build-outs, it normally takes some additional period of weeks or months before that lease gets finalized and signed. That build-out will not begin until the lease is signed, and then that build-out deadline will be some number of weeks or months after that. Therefore, you may be moving forward under the assumption of current equipment availability and cost to meet timeline obligations; however, it is important to instead consider (and somehow divine) the availability of those items months from now. As noted above, those costs and availabilities are probably going to be worse than they are today. However, given the seesaw nature of these 'on again, off again' tariffs and levies, it has become almost impossible to predict which products will be affected, when, and by how much.
How do you protect from these uncertainties? By expressly stating in your shiny and newly polished force majeure provision that these items are uncertain and beyond control, and by adding them to the specific list of force majeure events that excuse or delay a party's obligation to perform. You then also make sure that you expressly carve out force majeure events from your obligation in the lease to complete that build-out by any date certain.
Get ahead of this issue and make these changes in your base lease forms now, and when those equipment shortages and exorbitant prices start kicking in, you'll be covered and thankful that you did.
Hinckley Allen's real estate attorneys bring deep industry insight and a collaborative approach to navigating complex transactions. Discover how we can help protect your interests in an evolving market.
Founded in 1906, Hinckley Allen is a client-driven, forward-thinking law firm with more than 170 results-oriented lawyers. Our dedication to fostering a diverse and inclusive culture, combined with a focus on community investment, has earned us recognition as one of the Best Places to Work and Mansfield Rule certification.
Marc A. Angelone is a real estate partner at Hinckley Allen and co-chair of each of the Retail Group, the Industrial Group and the Real Estate Healthcare Group. His practice involves all aspects of commercial real estate, including development, lending, leasing, acquisitions, and sales. He represents developers, institutional property owners, and lenders in the acquisition, disposition, and financing of office, industrial, research and development, and multi-family properties, as well as both landlords and tenants in various commercial leasing transactions. Prior to practicing law, Angelone served as an officer in the United States Navy.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

AP PHOTOS: Trump's new travel ban takes effect, and some protest
AP PHOTOS: Trump's new travel ban takes effect, and some protest

San Francisco Chronicle​

time21 minutes ago

  • San Francisco Chronicle​

AP PHOTOS: Trump's new travel ban takes effect, and some protest

President Donald Trump's ban on travel to the United States took effect Monday. Demonstrators outside Los Angeles International Airport held signs protesting the ban affecting citizens from 12 mainly African and Middle Eastern countries. At Miami International Airport, passengers moved steadily through an area for international arrivals. Tensions are escalating over the Trump administration's campaign of immigration enforcement. The new ban applies to citizens of Afghanistan, Myanmar, Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen. It also imposes heightened restrictions on people from Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, Turkmenistan and Venezuela who are outside the U.S. and don't hold a valid visa. This is a photo gallery curated by AP photo editors.

Ampere Analysis Breaks Down The Threat U.S. Tariffs Would Pose To European Film & TV
Ampere Analysis Breaks Down The Threat U.S. Tariffs Would Pose To European Film & TV

Yahoo

time22 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

Ampere Analysis Breaks Down The Threat U.S. Tariffs Would Pose To European Film & TV

Speaking at NEM in Croatia, Ampere Analysis Co-Founder Guy Bisson ran the rule over the so-called plan to save Hollywood from Jon Voight and associates, and assessed the potential impact on the European film and TV biz. 'A 120% tariff on incentives to cancel out global schemes is patently ridiculous and obviously very damaging, potentially, to the European industry,' he said. 'Tax treaties, local tax treaties in the U.S., and incentive schemes, just like we use in Europe, clearly, are the way to go if you want to re-enliven your industries.' More from Deadline Donald Trump's Tariffs Deemed Unlawful & Blocked By Trade Court; White House Appeals Instantly Life After Peak TV: "It's A New World Order... There's A Rethink Required" - Berlin Streamer Content Spend To Top Commercial Broadcasters For First Time In 2025 - Report A draft of Voight's Make Hollywood Great Again plan, obtained by Deadline, included a mixture of production incentives and a 120% tariff on the value of a foreign incentive received. After he presented the plan to Donald Trump, the President public proposed a 100% tariff on all U.S. film imports, including productions that shoot in other countries. The NEM confab and sales market is held annually in Dubrovnik. The latest edition kicked off, Monday, with Bisson's session, which was entitled: 'Content Trends in the Era of Trump: Protectionism, Production and International Markets'. The Ampere executive set the scene by showing how the European content business has benefitted from the U.S. studios widening their production bases and streamers setting up shop in several parts of the continent, resulting in orders for thousands of hours of first-run programming. He also said international markets are key to those same U.S. giants monetizing their series and movies with, for example, 54% of the total box office for U.S. films coming from international markets, according to Ampere. Getting into the weeds on the suggested measures, he said a 120% tariff on any incentive received overseas is 'one of the most concerning aspects of the proposal, effectively closing the door on U.S. producers making use of any overseas incentive.' He went on to break down what might happen if the proposed measure were introduced with a slide that pinpointed the UK and Spain as the two biggest potential losers in Europe, given the volumes of U.S. production in both countries. 'Obviously the big European markets – the UK, France, Italy, Spain, Germany – are on that list, but so is Poland, for example, and Turkey, and the Scandinavian markets. They have been the [among] biggest beneficiaries of that 'runaway' production.' Speaking about the notion of tax treaties with certain countries for films substantially produced in U.S., Bisson said the idea is interesting: 'While you still have to make a majority, or spend a majority of the budget, in the U.S., you can effectively stack or double dip incentive schemes through those treaties.' He also said any re-introduction of rules that prohibit networks (and now, SVODs) fully owning shows 'would remove one of the things that's annoyed producers so much, which is streamers taking all rights in perpetuity.' Trump has said that he would meet with industry officials, and the White House said no final decisions have been made regarding the plan. Voight, Sylvester Stallone and a group that included studios and unions later wrote a letter to Trump emphasizing the need for production incentives While punchy, the NEM presentation was, thusly, analyzing what are currently theoretical scenarios. Bisson said that the best hope for the European biz is that theory never becomes practice. 'None of this is actually happening or being put in place yet, it's just a suggestion,' he said. 'Who can predict what Trump will do next. You may have heard the nickname that Trump has been given: TACO; Trump, Always Chickens Out on tariffs. That's what we can hope will happen again when it comes to our industry and the suggested protectionism being placed on film and TV.' Ted Johnson contributed to this report. Best of Deadline 2025 TV Series Renewals: Photo Gallery Tony Awards: Every Best Musical Winner Since 1949 Tony Awards: Every Best Play Winner Since 1947

Trump's broad definition of ‘insurrection' looms over Los Angeles
Trump's broad definition of ‘insurrection' looms over Los Angeles

Yahoo

time22 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

Trump's broad definition of ‘insurrection' looms over Los Angeles

In September 2020, President Donald Trump suggested he was hamstrung to crack down on at-times-violent racial justice demonstrations in cities like Portland, Oregon. 'Look, we have laws. We have to go by the laws,' Trump said at an ABC News town hall, adding: 'We can't call in the National Guard unless we're requested by a governor.' Trump noted there was one way he could do that – by invoking the Insurrection Act – but added that 'there's no reason to ever do that, even in a Portland case.' Something has clearly changed since then. Trump this weekend became the first president in about 60 years to call in the National Guard without a request from a governor – to help quell protests in Los Angeles against Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids. He did so without invoking the Insurrection Act – the 1807 law that allows the president to deploy American soldiers to police US streets in extreme circumstances. That means the guard has limited authorities that don't include law enforcement, as CNN legal analyst Steve Vladeck noted. Even that more limited decision, though, has been criticized as overzealous and heavy-handed by some experts, given fears it could inflame the situation. unknown content item - But Trump has clearly left open the possibility of ratcheting things up and possibly even doing what he said five years ago there was 'no reason to ever do': invoking the Insurrection Act to deal with demonstrators. Northern Command said Sunday that 500 US Marines were on 'prepared to deploy' status. Trump was asked Sunday whether the situation was an insurrection, and he said no. But just after 10 p.m. ET, he posted on Truth Social: 'Paid insurrectionists!' The president again used the term on Monday, telling reporters upon his return to the White House that the 'people that are causing the problem are professional agitators' before going on to call them 'insurrectionists.' Top White House adviser Stephen Miller has been calling the situation in Los Angeles an insurrection for days. And indeed, for Trump, Miller and their allies, the bar for 'insurrection' appears quite different than it was five years ago. After many labeled the January 6, 2021, attack on the US Capitol an insurrection, Trump and MAGA have spent years applying that label extremely broadly to other things. The idea seems to have been to 'whatabout' the term and water it down by suggesting other events are the 'real' insurrections – like the protests after George Floyd's murder. But Trump's broad definition of that term looms large as the administration considers something he's long entertained: dispatching the military on US soil. It has almost seemed like Trump and Co. see themselves surrounded by insurrections. Among the situations Trump has previously attached the 'insurrection' label to: Antifa ('they're causing insurrection') His baseless claims of a 'stolen' 2020 election ('the real insurrection happened on November 3rd') Unspecified enemies within the United States ('insurrectionists roam free') A border influx ('when you talk about insurrection, what they're doing, that's the real deal') Then-President Joe Biden ('I'm not an Insurrectionist … Crooked Joe Biden is!!!') Miller – a key figure in the White House on such matters – has appended that label to many of these things and more. He's most often used it in relation to the border under Biden. But he's also repeatedly accused judges who ruled against Trump of a 'legal insurrection.' He's called pro-Palestinian demonstrators a 'pro-Hamas insurrection.' And he accused those who protested the Supreme Court in 2022 – including in some cases apparently illegally at justices' homes – of waging an 'open insurrection.' It's worth emphasizing that many of these things don't qualify as insurrections. While Trump and his allies balked at people labeling January 6 an insurrection, there's little doubt that it met the definition. That word is generally defined as a violent revolt or rebellion against the government. The attack on the US Capitol was a violent attempt to effectively change the makeup of that government by overturning the election result – and by attacking an actual seat of power. In other words, an insurrection isn't about the level of violence; it's about the target and purpose of it. Merely protesting or even engaging in violence while doing so doesn't automatically make something an insurrection. Nor do adverse court rulings and an influx of undocumented immigrants constitute a rebellion. Of course, Trump has shown he's more than happy to stretch the bounds of words and the law in his quest to expand his power and go after perceived enemies. The question from here is why Trump hasn't gone there on invoking the Insurrection Act. He and Miller have now invoked that specific word multiple times in reference to the situation in Los Angeles, and preparing the Marines to possibly come in suggests this is very much on the table. Perhaps the White House has some qualms about the politics of what could come from the more in-your-face federal presence Trump has spent years entertaining. Or perhaps, as Vladeck wagers, the initial deployment of the National Guard could be a precursor. 'In other words, it's possible that this step is meant to both be and look modest,' Vladeck wrote in his newsletter Saturday, 'so that, if and when it 'fails,' the government can invoke its failure as a basis for a more aggressive domestic deployment of troops.' Only time will tell. But we're clearly operating in a very different political world than we were five years ago. Trump seems to have developed a very broad sense of what constitutes an insurrection and plenty of reasons to potentially do what he said 'there's no reason to ever do.' Indeed, he's already gone further than he did before.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store