GVMC prepares 27-point agenda for June 6 council meeting
Sources from the corporation said that several Corporators, MLAs from the NDA have asked the GVMC to add some more important proposals for the council meeting. It may be remembered that the last council meeting was held during December 2024. This will be the first council meeting after the NDA leaders took over as Mayor and Deputy Mayor.
Meanwhile, Corporator of Ward 22, (JSP) P.L.V.N. Murthy has submitted a representation to the District Collector, in-charge Commissioner of GVMC, M.N. Harendhira Prasad to incorporate sessions or discussions on TDRs, chicken meat wastage collection and dumps, smart city project allocations, revenue shops leases and allotments, G20 works allocations, issues pertaining to night food court.
CPI(M) Corporator (Ward 78) B. Ganga Rao also urged the authorities to discuss encroachments of the GVMC parks, resurvey of proposed property tax hike and other topics.
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Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
In alliance with Centre, not State; raising concerns is my responsibility: Chirag Paswan
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The Print
2 hours ago
- The Print
I-Day celebrations: CMs focus on states' achievements, vision; Stalin, Siddaramaiah complain
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Uttarakhand Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami hoisted the national flag at the Parade Ground in Dehradun to mark the 79th Independence Day. Earlier, he also hoisted the national flag at his official residence and expressed his gratitude to the Indian Army, NDRF, SDRF, ITBP and all the agencies engaged in the challenging rescue operations underway in disaster-ravaged areas of Dharali and Harshil. He said Uttarakhand distinguished itself as the first state in Independent India to implement a Uniform Civil Code, the country's toughest anti-copying law, an anti-riot law and a strict land law. He said the state cabinet recently approved bringing legislation to amend the state's freedom of religion Act which would make the anti-conversion law even more stringent. In the Northeast, Manipur Governor Ajay Kumar Bhalla asserted the overall law and order situation in the state has improved 'tremendously' in recent months and it is stable and under control. 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Economic Times
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- Economic Times
India should join Brazil in its efforts to create a new kind of multilateralism to offset Trump tariffs
Deal with the block After the two world wars, international order was built on the premise that states, even as they competed for advantage, could be restrained by rules and reciprocal obligations. Political scientists Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye called this 'complex interdependence', the idea that trade, finance, technology and institutions could bind countries so tightly that cooperation would be more profitable than coercion. While this was not a flawless premise, its core assumption reflected the new international economic order. The web of mutual dependence, anchored by multilateral institutions, acted as a brake on naked power, keeping the system from sliding entirely into a raw contest of force. This assumption is now under strain. Donald Trump's return to the White House and his weaponisation of tariffs have brought a brazen rejection of the earlier logic that underpinned the last half-century. Trump's latest tariff move against Brazil - a 50% levy that came into effect last week - was not about correcting deficits or defending industries as he trotted out them to be. It was a tantrum aimed at compelling Brazil to drop prosecution of Jair Bolsonaro for his role in the January 2023 assault on Brasilia. The message: sovereignty is negotiable if your economy depends on us. Brazil's response was a demonstration of how interdependence can be leveraged to defend, not erode, autonomy. Lula da Silva refused to seek a private settlement, calling such an approach a 'humiliation'. Instead, he took the case to WTO. Domestically, the Bolsonaro prosecution moved ahead without pause. Internationally, Lula began rallying BRICS to treat the episode as a test case for the credibility of a rules-based system. On Thursday, he announced that Brazil would host a virtual BRICS summit to discuss response to Trump tariffs. This confidence isn't improvised. Over the past two decades, Brazil has diversified its trade profile. China now takes 28% of its exports, compared with 12% for the US. Trump tariffs excluded key sectors like aircraft, energy and orange juice, limiting their impact to just over a third of export value. Economists estimate GDP hit at roughly 0.15 percentage points, with 2025 growth forecasts still above 2.3%. Over the last two decades, India's exports to fellow BRICS countries have increased, and it has signed major FTAs, signalling a widening of its commercial base. Yet, India's trade with its South Asian neighbours is between 1.7% and 3.8%. This missing regional integration is not only a lost economic opportunity but also a lost layer of strategic insulation. This is where the rhetoric of 'reformed multilateralism' must be matched by coordinated action. The challenge now is for others, especially India, to recognise that defence of sovereignty, preservation of multilateralism and reform of global governance are a single project that will succeed or fail together India's G20 presidency, Indonesia's Asean leadership, Brazil's stewardship of BRICS and 'Voice of the Global South' summit have all carried the banner of a fairer, more representative order. A rules-based system can survive only if states push back collectively when its norms are under India, and for other major actors in the 'global south', the lesson is not to imitate Brazil's tactics but to internalise the structural logic behind them. Sovereignty cannot be defended by rhetoric alone. It must be underpinned by robust institutions at home and by coalitions abroad. Brazil's resort to WTO may seem quaint in an era when great powers increasingly sideline multilateral bodies. But if the 'global south' does not use these institutions, reform them and defend them, then who will?What Lula has made clear is that defending rules-based order is not the same as defending status quo. The order we inherited was built with asymmetries, but it remains the only framework capable of constraining raw power if all parties insist on using it. As a country that bridges multiple alignments that are democratic but independent, it can help lead an emerging coalition that treats multilateralism not as a talking point but as an enabling like Brazil, also faces pressures on its ecological resources that will test its commitment to sovereignty in new ways. In a global economy where farm patents, seed control and biotech regulation can dictate the fate of rural livelihoods, defending biodiversity is no less strategic than defending maritime borders. A rules-based order must treat genetic resources, environmental stewardship and traditional knowledge as global commons managed by those who live with them, not as commodities to be seized under legal regimes written elsewhere. The crises in climate, trade and food security are intertwined. If emerging economies do not set their collective norms, they will find themselves perpetually reacting to norms imposed from abroad. What history will remember is not whether Brazil wins its specific tariff dispute, but whether this moment catalyses a broader shift in how emerging economies see themselves in the architecture of global power. Lula's defiance shows that it is possible to resist coercion without turning inward, that it is possible to resist without rejecting the idea of international challenge now is for others - especially for India - to recognise that defence of sovereignty, preservation of multilateralism and reform of global governance are not separate agendas any more. 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