Sindh CM participates in Independence Day celebrations with differently-abled children
The day began at the Quaid-e-Azam House Museum, where the Department of Culture hosted a vibrant programme. Over 100 children from institutions such as Scanosa, C-Arts, Dar Al-Sukoon, and Umeed-e-No participated in the celebration, which featured a flag-hoisting ceremony, national songs, and cultural performances in Sindhi, Punjabi, Balochi, and Pashto.
Murad, accompanied by Culture Minister Syed Zulfiqar Ali Shah, Secretary DEPD Tauha Farooqi, and prominent artists like Javed Sheikh and Ayub Khoso, engaged warmly with the children. He sang national songs, joined children on stage, and cut a cake to mark the occasion. He praised the courage and talent of the children, stating, 'These special children are the heart of this celebration. They bring joy, energy, and hope.'
Murad Ali Shah emphasised his government's unwavering commitment to inclusivity, equality, and support for the differently-abled. 'Every citizen deserves respect, dignity, and opportunity regardless of physical or mental ability,' he said. He announced plans to expand special education and rehabilitation centres in every district and strengthen vocational and artistic training programmes for special children.
Mazar-e-Quaid: Later in the day, Chief Minister Murad Ali Shah visited Mazar-e-Quaid, accompanied by his cabinet members and differently-abled children.
Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Express Tribune
4 hours ago
- Express Tribune
Sharjeel Memon says Sindh ready for grand Independence Day celebrations
Listen to article Sindh Senior Minister Sharjeel Inam Memon has announced that the provincial government will mark Pakistan's Independence Day with 'national zeal and unity,' with the largest celebration set for Karachi's National Stadium on August 13. Speaking to reporters during a visit to the stadium to inspect arrangements on Sunday, Memon said all 27,000 seats for the event had already been registered. He added that festivities are planned across Sindh, with major events held in Hyderabad and another scheduled in Sukkur. Memon took aim at the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), accusing the party of trying to 'cause damage to the country' by calling for protests on Youm-e-Istehsal Kashmir (Kashmir Day). He likened their stance to the unrest of May 9 and urged all political parties to 'set aside their differences' for the national holiday. 'Independence Day is a programme for all of Pakistan, not just the government or the PPP,' he said. Highlighting Sindh's historic role in Pakistan's creation, Memon noted that the resolution for the country's formation was first passed by the Sindh Assembly. He said the provincial government has formed a ministerial committee, including representatives from various political and religious parties, to ensure broad participation in the celebrations. Memon was accompanied by Local Government Minister Saeed Ghani, Karachi Mayor Murtaza Wahab, and other officials during the stadium visit.
Business Recorder
6 hours ago
- Business Recorder
Islamabad Airport not closing for eight days, clarifies PAA
The Pakistan Airports Authority (PAA) has issued a clarification to counter what it calls 'incorrect and misleading' media reports, claiming that the Islamabad International Airport would be closed for eight days. The authority stated that flight operations are only being suspended for brief, two-hour intervals on specific days to accommodate rehearsals for Pakistan's Independence Day celebrations on August 14. According to a Notice to Airmen (NOTAM) issued by the PAA, temporary flight restrictions are in effect for the following periods: August 6-9: 11:00 AM to 1:00 PM August 11-14: 8:00 PM to 10:00 PM All other airport operations will continue as usual. The PAA has advised passengers to contact their respective airlines for the latest updates on their flight schedules to avoid any inconvenience. These temporary closures are part of the security and logistical preparations for the official Independence Day flypast, the PAA said. 'In the days leading up to Independence Day on 14 August, brief aerial activity for celebrations will require the airport to be unavailable for arrivals and departures for only two hours on specified dates and times. Outside these short intervals, normal operations will continue,' it maintained. The government has decided to celebrate this year's Independence Day under the banner of 'Marka-i-Haq' (Battle of Truth) to demonstrate the nation's resilience, progress, and pride. The Pakistan Army had named the period of conflict with India since the April 22 Pahalgam attack to the May 10 conclusion of Operation Bunyanum Marsoos as 'Marka-i-Haq' in May. The military confrontation between India and Pakistan came as the former blamed Islamabad for the April 22 Pahalgam attack without evidence. On the night of May 6-7, New Delhi launched a series of air strikes on Pakistan, resulting in civilian casualties. Both sides then exchanged missiles, which stretched over the week. It took a US-brokered ceasefire for both sides to finally drop their guns.
Express Tribune
7 hours ago
- Express Tribune
PTI's slide, from populism to political isolation
A year ago, August 5 would have plunged the Twin Cities into chaos. Roads would have been sealed and containers mounted, yet crowds would have been roaring in protest. But on August 5 this year, the anniversary of Imran Khan's arrest from Islamabad in 2023, the streets of Rawalpindi and Islamabad remained calm, undisturbed by the opposition's call for a protest. Only scattered police mobiles, prison vans and a visible security presence dotted major intersections and, that too, not to manage unrest but to watch over the conspicuous silence. This marked not just a shift in public response but symbolised a deeper collapse within the country's once-largest and loudest political force: the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI). The very day the party hoped to reignite street resistance on the second anniversary of its founding chairman's incarceration, it turned into one of the darkest day for the party as its remaining top parliamentary leaders in the Senate, National Assembly and Punjab Assembly were disqualified and de-notified in connection with the judgment of the May 9 riots' cases. Politically and geographically, the party that once claimed unmatched public support and alleged institutional blessings is now apparently confined to Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, where it still holds power. Elsewhere, PTI has largely been wiped off the mainstream political map. One example of it is its failure to mobilise people for August 5 protest, which the party supremo had desired to exert pressure on the PMLN-led government and the powerful stakeholders for his release. As the irony would have it, Imran Khan had given a final call for his release last November, which had failed too. PTI's political decay has been anything but sudden. The party, once riding high on populist slogans and support from powerful quarters, began losing ground after the events of May 9, 2023, when violent protests erupted following Imran Khan's arrest. For the first time in history, military installations were attacked, triggering what would become a decisive turning point. In the aftermath, a sweeping crackdown followed, with mass arrests and party leaders forced to switch party, abandon politics or disassociate from the party altogether. As the top-tier leaders vanished from the scene under duress, defection, court proceedings or because of being thrown in jail, the party's internal coordination shattered. Yet, despite crackdowns, the party workers continued to come out to support in big numbers until recently. However, the continuous disarray in the party and the leadership's absence when rank-and-file workers faced arrests or prosecutions started creating gap between the people and the party leadership. This repeated pattern of abandonment has not gone unnoticed within PTI's support base, which once prided itself on being ideologically driven and deeply loyal, both on social media and on the ground. However, the absence of organised resistance on the symbolic August 5, when Imran Khan urged the party to rise in protest, showcased just how far PTI has fallen from its former position of street dominance. To add insult to injury, the disqualification of opposition leaders from the Senate, National Assembly and Punjab Assembly as well as parliamentary leader further demonstrated PTI's decline inside legislative houses. With the removal of its parliamentary leadership, the party now finds itself unable to influence legislation, challenge government policy or even issue symbolic dissent within parliamentary bounds. This parliamentary vacuum has come on the heels of the Supreme Court's recent decision on reserved seats, which handed a crucial advantage to the ruling alliance. The court ruled in favour of awarding reserved seats, previously meant for PTI, to parties within the ruling coalition. As a result, the PMLN emerged as the single largest party in the National Assembly while the ruling alliance now enjoys a two-thirds majority. PTI's failure to maintain internal cohesion and external alliances has left it directionless. Instead of holding talks with the political elite, it has repeatedly said that it only wishes to hold talks with the powerful stakeholders. However, the response from the other side has so far been extremely cold. Once seen as cordial, the party's relationship with the establishment is now completely fractured. From being perceived as a product of tacit institutional support, PTI is now an example of what political isolation in Pakistan looks like. Though the party is in power in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, it is still under pressure. Its previous attempts to organise major activities beyond KP have constantly been met with pre-emptive state action like arrests, bans, and curbs on public gatherings. Last September, after holding a rally in the capital, the law enforcement officials barged into the Parliament to arrest PTI lawmakers for flouting a law on political rallies. Subsequently, the party only managed to reach the capital in November, but only to abandon the party workers and without gaining anything. Since then, it tried to flex muscles and announced that the protest movement would start soon after Eid but that never happened. Lack of clarity on future course of action, party leadership's inability to craft a post-Imran political narrative, grouping in the party and almost no control of the incumbent party chairman over its members have all contributed to its current paralysis. Currently, with Imran Khan in jail and his appeals zigzagging through the courts, the party's entire political strategy remains centered on his personality but disconnected from political realities. In contrast, the PMLN-led ruling coalition has capitalised on PTI's weaknesses. With the opposition effectively sidelined, the government has moved to consolidate power both legally and politically. With the 26th constitutional amendment, the ruling alliance changed the judicial structure and the process of appointing the top judge of the country by nominating the chief justice from among the most senior judges, rather than the most senior judge automatically assuming the position. Additionally, the court decision on reserved seats handed not just numbers but legitimacy to the alliance and rumours are that it was gearing up for another constitutional amendment. By avoiding major political controversies and projecting a narrative of stability and economic recovery as well as victory over India in the recent war, the ruling alliance is now busy crafting the image of a functioning and united government, even though governance issues persist. For now, the political arena seems to be a one-sided contest. With a crippled opposition, a solid parliamentary majority and little visible public resistance, the ruling alliance appears to have full control, at least until the next major shift. PTI's downfall is not just about arrests or disqualifications. It's about a party that lost its organisational discipline, confronted the very forces that once helped it rise only to demand the same thing again and failed to protect or rally its support base when it mattered most. From dominating national headlines to being pushed to the margins, PTI's journey over the last few years is a study in political reversal. And with no clear path forward, no functioning top-tier leadership and no signs of reconciliation with power centres, the party that once ruled from Islamabad now watches from the sidelines; increasingly limited to KP. For now, the streets are quiet, the opposition is broken and the ruling coalition reigns unchallenged.
