
Nalanda University adds 4 new PG courses, V-C says reinforcing its role as centre of high learning
Chaturvedi, who is also the Director General of Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), joined as the university's V-C last month.
He said, 'Expansion of courses are meant to expand academic scope and reinforce NU's role as a premier centre of research and high learning.'
The new courses are in consonance with the blended vision of ancient and new Nalanda universities to focus on mathematics and philosophy.
Meanwhile, Hindi has been added as part of the Central government's thrust to promote mother tongue, and economics is added as per the V-C's vision.
'The spirit of Nalanda has evolved as a vibrant expression of continuous engagement with eternal values and the civilisational ethos of the east. It embodies a rich intellectual tradition, marked by openness, inclusivity and a globally oriented outlook. Building upon this legacy, the vision for the new Nalanda is shaped by a forward-looking blueprint rooted in integrative wisdom. It draws inspiration from an eastern worldview in which faith, intellectual inquiry and material well-being are not regarded in isolation, but as deeply interwoven dimensions of holistic human existence.'
The previous PG courses included historical studies, ecology and environment studies, Buddhist studies, comparative religions, Hindu studies (Sanatana Dharma), world literature, archaeology, international relations and peace studies, and MBA in sustainable development and management.
NU, established under Nalanda University Act, 2010, started functioning from 2014 with two PG courses having only 12 students. PM Narendra Modi formally inaugurated NU campus — spread over 455 acres at Rajgir foothills — last year.
Santosh Singh is a Senior Assistant Editor with The Indian Express since June 2008. He covers Bihar with main focus on politics, society and governance. Investigative and explanatory stories are also his forte. Singh has 25 years of experience in print journalism covering Bihar, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka.
... Read More
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Hindustan Times
16 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Siddaramaiah behind conspiracy to defame Dharmasthala: BJP leader R Ashoka
Amid the ongoing controversy surrounding the investigation into the Saujanya case and the reputation of Dharmasthala, Leader of the Opposition R Ashoka has launched a strong attack on Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, accusing him of enabling a campaign to malign the religious shrine. Karnataka leader of opposition R Ashoka. Speaking to reporters in Hubballi on Sunday, Ashoka alleged that the Chief Minister is 'behind the conspiracy to defame Dharmasthala.' He further claimed that "a gang of Urban Naxals with Leftist ideology" is responsible for spreading false narratives against the temple, The Hindu reported. (Also Read: DK Shivakumar slams 'conspiracy' to malign Dharmasthala, calls for action against slander: Report) 'A gang of Urban Naxals with Leftist ideology is spreading slander against the holy place. I think of them as the 'Dandupalya gang' of dangerous Urban Naxals. The Chief Minister is responsible for letting loose such people among the citizens. Before he came to power, they were wandering for food in the jungles of Karnataka. Now, they are everywhere. They are spreading ill-will against Hindus and holy places like Dharmasthala,' he said. The BJP leader also criticised the rhetoric being used by certain groups. 'Some people are saying that they will drive a JCB (earthmover) into the Dharmasthala temple. Siddaramaiah is the reason for this, as he is the one who has invited the fanatic and Communist Naxals who were in the forests to the urban areas with a red carpet. They are spreading slander against Hindu temples because they have nothing else to do,' he added according to the publication. He added that the core concern is not individuals but the sanctity of the temple itself. 'Dharmadhikari Veerendra Heggade's reputation is not the issue. For us, Dharmasthala Manjunath Swamy is important. It is already clear that the Congress government is behind the whole episode. We will fight this issue in the Assembly session,' he said. (Also Read: Dharmasthala case: No human remains found in latest excavation, SIT probe continues)

The Hindu
2 hours ago
- The Hindu
How ‘honour' killings in India are reinforced and legitimised
Caste in India is not an individual problem — it is a deeply rooted social phenomenon. Caste survives and thrives not just because individuals insist on it, but because families, communities, and entire social structures continue to enforce and legitimise it, knowingly or otherwise. At the heart of this caste endurance lie social customs passed down and protected within households. Children grow up internalising boundaries — who to talk to, who to marry, who to avoid — long before they can even articulate why. As a result, the caste system remains one of the most resilient social frameworks in India. 'Honour' killings One of the biggest threats to the rigidity of caste has been social justice interventions. When marginalised communities, particularly Dalits, gain access to quality education and secure meaningful employment, it opens the gates for their integration into mainstream society. With that, a foundational shift begins. No longer confined to the margins, the oppressed now begin to interact with caste-Hindu society on an equal footing — in workplaces, colleges, cities, and most importantly, in relationships. This has created a new frontier of social tension: romantic unions that cross caste lines, especially those involving Dalit men and dominant caste women. These unions represent not just love or rebellion but a direct challenge to centuries-old caste hierarchies. And for many conservative families, that challenge is intolerable. States like Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Maharashtra, and Kerala — where Dalit communities have seen relatively greater empowerment — also record higher rates of inter-caste marriages. According to the India Human Development Survey (IHDS-II), the national rate of inter-caste marriages stands at around 5%, but States with empowered Dalit populations show higher numbers. Ironically, these are also the States with increased incidents of honour killings. This paradox reveals a disturbing truth: honour killings occur not where casteism is strongest, but where it is most threatened. In States where the oppressed still maintain their 'status quo,' violence is less — not because casteism is absent, but because it remains unchallenged. Thus, caste-based violence is not a sign of persistent hierarchy alone, but of hierarchy under siege. Tamil Nadu's caste paradox When caste killings happen, democratic voices among the public are strong in Tamil Nadu as the State boasts a strong and vibrant civil society. At the same time, caste is glorified on social media. Due to the anonymity such platforms offer, some accounts go so far as to defend caste killings. How do we understand this paradox? Perhaps in Tamil Nadu, while people possess a collective consciousness against casteism, shaped by decades of social justice politics, individual attitudes may not always align in the same way. The State's anti-caste culture is collectively progressive but individually conflicted. In public, caste violence is rejected but in private conversations, WhatsApp groups, and through anonymous posts, caste continues to dictate social preferences, marriage alliances, and 'honourable behaviour.' This paradox does not mean that Tamil Nadu's anti-caste movement is a failure. It means that one is living in a liminal space — between tradition and transformation. What we see on social media is not just caste pride, it's also the fear of losing inherited power and the anxiety of cultural change. On family and caste There's a popular belief that the caste system survives mainly because of political parties or caste-based organisations. While these certainly reinforce caste divisions in the public sphere, they are not the roots of the system. Caste survives because it is protected and transmitted within the family. Through everyday customs, rituals, marriage arrangements, social expectations, and inherited prejudices, caste becomes part of a child's consciousness long before they can question it. This is why caste has remained transgenerational, even in the face of rising education, urbanisation and exposure to new ideas. However, the psychological and cultural importance of the 'family' itself is changing, especially among adolescents. Around the world, particularly in countries like South Korea and Japan, we are seeing dramatic shifts: marriage rates are falling, fertility rates are at historic lows, and the traditional family unit is losing its central place in people's lives. Instead, new models of relationship — open partnerships, cohabitation, single living, and self-parenting — are emerging. India's urban youth are slowly reflecting this trend too. Many adolescents today are increasingly prioritising individual growth, emotional well-being, and autonomy over traditional family obligations. As the value of the family unit weakens, so too does the primary mechanism through which caste is enforced and reproduced. In other words, if the family becomes less central in shaping relationships and social norms, caste may lose its strongest and oldest vehicle of survival. This doesn't mean that caste will disappear overnight. But it suggests that the cultural infrastructure that sustains it is slowly being dismantled — not by revolution, but by changing lifestyles, shifting emotional priorities, and evolution of the self. Caste in India is at crossroads. On one hand, we see violent reactions and online glorification. On the other, we witness strong democratic voices against honour killings and a new generation slowly withdrawing from social values. Tamil Nadu symbolises this contradiction in its most vivid form — a State where both the loudest resistance to casteism and the quietest internal caste pride coexist. But it also offers hope: if this contradiction is acknowledged, addressed, and challenged, especially through engagement and digital counter-narratives, we may finally move toward a society where caste loses its grip not only on our systems, but on our hearts and minds. Sivabalan Elangovan is Professor and Head, Dept of Psychiatry, Dr MGR Educational and Research Institute.


Hindustan Times
2 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Minority status beyond Muslim institutions? What Uttarakhand's new bill proposes
The Uttarakhand Minority Educational Institutions Bill, 2025, has been cleared by the state cabinet for introduction in the monsoon assembly session beginning Tuesday in Gairsain. Uttarakhand cabinet, led by CM Pushkar Singh Dhami, clears law granting minority status to non-Muslim institutions.(@pushkardhami) The legislation seeks to extend minority status in education beyond the Muslim community to include Sikh, Jain, Christian, Buddhist, and Parsi institutions. Until now, only Muslim-run institutions have enjoyed minority recognition in the state. The proposed law will make Uttarakhand the first state in the country to establish a framework that both grants such status and enforces standards of accountability and academic quality. A key provision of the bill is the creation of the Uttarakhand State Minority Education Authority, which will serve as the nodal body to review applications, grant recognition, and monitor compliance with guidelines issued by the Uttarakhand Board of School Education. Officials told Hindustan Times the authority will ensure fairness in student assessment and promote transparency in governance. 'Once enacted, Uttarakhand will become the first state to legislate not only on granting minority status but also on ensuring academic excellence, accountability, and the protection of constitutional rights,' a senior official said. The bill requires all institutions run by Muslim, Sikh, Jain, Christian, Buddhist, or Parsi communities to obtain recognition. They must be registered under the Society Act, Trust Act, or Company Act, and properties and accounts must be maintained in the name of the institution. Officials added that the law aims to streamline a process that previously lacked uniformity, bringing it under one accountable authority. While safeguarding autonomy, it also empowers the government to oversee functioning and issue directions when necessary. According to officials, the legislation will strengthen recognition procedures, ensure greater transparency, and raise the quality of education in minority institutions, benefiting students and communities alike. The Uttarakhand Madrasa Education Board Act, 2016, along with the Non-Government Arabic and Persian Madrasa Recognition Rules, 2019, will be repealed effective July 1, 2026. With inputs from Amit Bathla