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Shigeru Ishiba, Japan's Rapidly Diminishing PM

Shigeru Ishiba, Japan's Rapidly Diminishing PM

Shigeru Ishiba likes the nitty gritty of policy and making military models, but his dream job as Japanese prime minister looked at risk of coming unstuck on Sunday.
According to media projections after elections, Ishiba's coalition was projected to have lost its majority in the upper house, a result that might push him to resign.
Late on Sunday, he was tight-lipped about his future.
"It's a difficult situation, and we have to take it very humbly and seriously," Ishiba told broadcaster NHK.
"We can't do anything until we see the final results, but we want to be very aware of our responsibility," Ishiba added.
The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has governed Japan almost continuously since 1955, but whether anyone wants to replace Ishiba is another matter.
"I wonder who else wants the job," Masahisa Endo, politics professor at Waseda University, told AFP before the election result.
Ishiba, 68, a self-confessed defence "geek", is the son of a regional governor and is from Japan's small Christian minority.
Seen as a safe pair of hands, he won the party leadership in September, on his fifth try, to become the LDP's 10th separate prime minister since 2000, all of them men.
Ishiba pledged to "create a new Japan" and revitalise depressed rural regions, and to address the "quiet emergency" of Japan's shrinking population.
He immediately called lower house elections for October but that backfired spectactularly, with the LDP suffering its worst result in 15 years.
That robbed the LDP and its coalition party Komeito of their majority, forcing them to bargain with opposition parties to pass legislation.
Ishiba's policies on bringing down inflation and spurring growth have "flip-flopped", Stefan Angrick at Moody's Analytics said last week.
The government "boxed itself in, promising only some belated and half-hearted financial support that will do little to improve the demand outlook," Angrick said.
The government's popularity ratings have plummeted, with voters angry about price rises, especially for rice that is twice as expensive as a year ago.
Ishiba, the father of two daughters, also appointed only two women to his cabinet, down from five under predecessor Fumio Kishida.
Ishiba's sometimes clumsy ways -- ranging from the less-than-perfectly tidy arrangement of his tuxedo to his table manners -- have also been rich fodder for social media memes.
He drew ridicule after being snapped apparently napping in parliament and for failing to stand up to greet other world leaders at a gathering in South America.
Worse was a video that emerged of Ishiba eating an onigiri rice ball -- a popular snack -- whole and munching on it without closing his mouth.
"He eats like a three-year-old," wroter one user on social media platform X.
A major challenge has been dealing with US President Donald Trump, who has imposed painful tariffs on Japanese cars, steel and aluminium.
Further levies of 25 percent on other Japanese imports -- up from 10 percent currently -- will come into force on August 1 if there is no trade agreement.
Ishiba secured an early invitation to the White House in February and has sent his tariffs envoy to Washington seven times, but there has been no deal yet.
Then-premier Shinzo Abe -- dubbed a "Trump whisperer" -- fared better during Trump's first term, managing to shield Japan from any tariffs.
Abe, who was assassinated in 2022, gifted Trump a gold-coloured golf club and was a frequent guest of the US president.
According to Trump, Abe even nominated him for the Nobel prize. "There will never be another like him," he said after Abe's death. Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's government has seen plummeting approval ratings, with voters angered by price rises AFP Japan's Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba appointed only two women to his cabinet, down from five under predecessor Fumio Kishida AFP
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What is behind the rise of the 'Japanese First' far-right? – DW – 07/22/2025
What is behind the rise of the 'Japanese First' far-right? – DW – 07/22/2025

DW

time2 hours ago

  • DW

What is behind the rise of the 'Japanese First' far-right? – DW – 07/22/2025

Sanseito, a new far-right party with a charismatic leader, Sohei Kamiya, came up big in Japan's parliamentary election by running on an anti-immigration, nationalist platform under the slogan "Japanese First." The founder and secretary general of Japan's nationalist Sanseito political party, 47-year-old Sohei Kamiya, was the single biggest winner in Sunday's election for the upper house of parliament. Young, charismatic and keenly attentive to the grievances of millions of Japanese, Kamiya campaigned on promises of adhering to traditional values, encouraging national pride, tax cuts, greater defense spending and a raft of populist policies, all under the slogan of "Japanese First." An unmistakable echo of US President Donald Trump's "Make America Great Again" movement, Kamiya similarly blames foreigners for many of Japan's woes. The party has centered its messaging on a "silent invasion" by foreigners who want to take advantage of the nation's wealth but refuse to follow its customs and laws, as well as difficult and uncouth overseas tourists. Kamiya's campaign clearly struck a nerve with Japanese who have become disaffected with the existing political parties. Most notably the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which has been the nation's most influential party almost uninterrupted since 1955, has now suffered crushing defeats in elections for the two houses of parliament in the space of nine months. Toshimitsu Shigemura, a professor of politics and international relations at Tokyo's Waseda University, told DW that Sanseito has been able to tap into public grievances with traditional political parties. "People have been unhappy with all the problems that they face every day, and they just felt the LDP and the traditional parties are not listening to them," he said. "Sanseito used social media extremely well in their campaign, delivering a clear and concise message to more young people than the mainstream parties are usually able to reach and convincing them that they have the answers," Shigemura added. "Kamiya listened to what people said they wanted, said he supported their complaints and promised to solve their problems when he was elected. And lots of voters believed him," Shigemura said. As in other parts of the world where far-right politics have resonated with voters, Japan has seen rising inflation and low wages put a strain on household budgets. Shigemura pointed out that Sansetio has been able to blame foreigners, employing a tactic that has worked elsewhere. Sanseito was founded in 2020, emerging from a YouTube channel co-created by Kamiya that aimed to demonstrate how to create a political party from the ground up. The channel and the party grew in popularity by spreading misinformation about the COVID pandemic, including conspiracy theories about the pandemic's origins, and vaccine skepticism. Kamiya was accused of antisemitism after the party published a book in 2022 claiming Jewish financiers were getting rich by inflaming fear over the coronavirus pandemic, and insisting Sanseito would not "sell Japan out to Jewish capital." Despite these inflammatory claims, he has denied having any prejudice against Jewish people. The party's hostility to foreigners has been a recurring theme since its founding. Kamiya told a campaign meeting earlier this month that the media was criticizing some of the party's policies by calling them "stupid, foolish and Korean." The slur drew laughter from the crowd, but it was condemned by anti-racism groups. Kamiya also wants to increase defense spending and rewrite the constitution to permit Japan's remilitarization. He also favors allowing the military to carry out preemptive strikes against an enemy if it is judged that a conflict is "inevitable," which runs counter to the present constitution. Party members are also on record as saying that they believe Japan should have its own nuclear deterrent – a major diversion in public thinking for the only country to have had nuclear weapons used against it in wartime. Kamiya sees China as a significant threat to the nation and is demanding a "stronger stance" against Beijing's increasingly expansionist policies in the region, while he has also said that sanctions on Russia should be relaxed. Many of the party's social policies reflect conservative attitudes, with Sanseito firmly opposed to same-sex marriage and women being able to retain their maiden name after marriage on the grounds that this would "cause confusion." Kamiya has also stated that young women are too focused on having a career and that it would be better if the nation returned to the days of women being in the home raising children. Sanseito won 14 seats in Sunday's election, up from a single seat in the 248-seat chamber before the vote. The LDP won 47 seats, down by 16 and short of the 50-seat target before the vote. Most importantly, the LDP lost its majority in the chamber and will have to negotiate with minority opposition parties to pass any legislation. And that could give Sanseito an outsized say in the nation's future political direction. The meteoric rise of Sanseito in the last five years, and its elevation as a result of Sunday's election to the third-largest opposition party in the Upper House, has inevitably caused some concern. The left-leaning newspaper declared in a front-page opinion article on Monday that it was "troubled" by the rise of xenophobia in Japan, adding it was unprecedented to have an election during which "fear of foreigners was so openly inflamed" and "discriminatory rhetoric was voiced with such blatant ease." The editorial added that if Sanseito takes the same stance during parliamentary debate it is possible "rhetoric used to legitimize prejudice will gain broader acceptance in society, bolstered by the party's growing political influence." In a press conference before the international media in Tokyo on July 3, Kamiya claimed that while the party's slogan would be "Japanese First," that does not mean that non-Japanese would not be welcome. He followed that by saying he admired the policies of Trump, the National Rally party of Marine Le Pen in France and the far-right Alternative for Germany party. Political scientist Shigemura said that after the Sanseito election success, the impetus is on the party to deliver. "I believe this could be the far right's high tide," he said. "The LDP is at a low point but now these extremist parties have won enough seats to be able to claim that they are having a say in the running of the country, they have to deliver. The LDP knows that delivering on promises is the most difficult part of governing, and I expect Sanseito to fall short on their promises," he said. "In five years, I expect the public to have become disappointed at the far right's broken promises and the LDP will have been able to rebuild itself and, hopefully, the country will be in a better position," he added. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video

Are Donald Trump's tariffs the new sanctions? – DW – 07/22/2025
Are Donald Trump's tariffs the new sanctions? – DW – 07/22/2025

DW

time10 hours ago

  • DW

Are Donald Trump's tariffs the new sanctions? – DW – 07/22/2025

Donald Trump is using tariffs to achieve objectives typically associated with sanctions. But does the threat of rising US inflation and retaliation make sanctions a safer choice? US President Donald Trump's reliance on tariffs rather than sanctions has been described as both the "world's worst bet" and "a powerful proven source of leverage" to protect the national interests of the United States. While tariffs essentially are taxes on imports to protect domestic industries, sanctions are penalties imposed on other countries to punish or influence their governments. Sanctions typically restrict trade or finance. Since his return to the White House in January, Trump's tariff threats against dozens of countries have created great uncertainty among US businesses and global trading partners. What's become known as "tariff tango" — bold pledges of steep duties on foreign goods, followed by abrupt reversals — suits Trump's shifting political or economic goals. Yet, financial markets remain on edge, not knowing how or when the president may deploy tariffs next. The tariff on China, the biggest economic and military rival to the US, reached historic highs in April, soaring to 145% before being significantly cut the following month after trade talks in London. Trump's sudden increase and later rollback of tariffs show how he uses them as a flexible way to fix what he sees as unfair trade, based on past trade disputes. "What shapes the president's views is the rapid rise of Japan in the 1980s and the feeling that the Japanese were out-competing the iconic American car industry because the US has been too generous in its trade terms," Jennifer Burns, associate professor of history at Stanford University, told DW. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Tariffs are Trump's preferred weapon to tackle the massive US trade deficit, particularly with China, which amounted to $295 billion (€253 billion) in 2024, according to the US Census Bureau. They also align with his "America First" agenda to protect domestic industries and boost US job creation. The White House has defended the president's approach, insisting that tariffs can be quickly deployed and, unlike sanctions, don't completely shut foreign markets to US firms. "[Trump] can add this pressure when he wants and then bring it back when markets start to freak out or it stops serving his purpose," Sophia Busch, associate director of the Geoeconomic Centre at the Atlantic Council think tank, told DW. "This is much easier with tariffs than with sanctions." Although tariffs have been widely criticized for their potential to stoke inflation, they do raise revenue for the US Treasury, unlike sanctions. US tariff revenues are up 110% to $97.3 billion (€83.2 billion) in the first half of the year compared to the same period last year. Tariffs are expected to raise $360 billion next year, according to the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center. Tariffs give Trump direct, unilateral control, using executive orders without needing approval from the US Congress. Sanctions, on the other hand, often require complex legal frameworks and cooperation with international partners, like the European Union. The preference for tariffs over sanctions reflects Trump's aim for rapid, visible economic leverage, but raises concerns about the destabilizing effects of such policies on global trade and peace. "The reason [tariffs] have such a bad reputation is because they're linked to these episodes of de-globalization, and in the 20th century, they were linked to armed conflict," said Burns. "If low tariffs and open markets knit countries together in a way that forestalls armed conflict, does it mean that we might be moving away from that?" "Sanctions are more about punishing countries for violating international norms," Stanford's Jennifer Burns told DW. "They're in response to specific actions, and if those actions cease, the sanctions can be undone." Trump's second-term policies suggest he is using tariffs to achieve objectives typically associated with sanctions, such as pressuring countries like Canada, Mexico and China on nontrade issues like immigration and drug trafficking. These tariffs have prompted retaliatory measures or threats, which have intensified global trade tensions. Similarly, Colombia was threatened with tariffs after it rejected US deportation flights, while threatened levies on the European Union were partly announced as a response to EU privacy and climate regulations. Earlier this month, Trump threatened to impose a 50% tariff on imports from Brazil, which were framed as retaliation for the prosecution of former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, a close ally. The far-right politician faces trial for allegedly plotting a coup to overturn his 2022 election loss, including plans to assassinate political rivals. Noting how the uncertainty around Trump's tariff policy had left US firms and global trade partners reeling, Burns warned that "years of tariff uncertainty" may cause a "serious economic slowdown, as businesses and investors wait for a more predictable landscape." Previous US administrations have preferred sanctions over tariffs as a punitive tool to bring rogue countries into line. Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the US has imposed more than 2,500 sanctions on Russia, targeting individuals, entities, shipping and aircraft. The US has also imposed sanctions on Venezuela, Iran and North Korea. "These economies are not crucial trading partners for the US," the Atlantic Council's Busch said, adding that Trump's tariffs on the "top US trading partners" were "more of an economic threat domestically." Trump has recently expressed more openness to deploying sanctions. Referring to a bill proposed by Senator Lindsey Graham for additional penalties on Russia if it fails to negotiate a peace deal in good faith with Ukraine, Trump said he was "very strongly" considering fresh sanctions. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video If passed, the Sanctioning Russia Act of 2025 will target key Russian officials and oligarchs, financial institutions and the energy sector, aiming to curb Russia's ability to export oil and gas. The bill, which has bipartisan support, also proposes secondary sanctions on third countries and foreign companies, which Trump has termed "secondary tariffs" of up to 500% on countries importing Russian energy. Trump's similar "secondary tariffs" of 25% on buyers of Venezuelan oil, which took effect in March, were also designed to pressure energy importers to align with US foreign policy, a role typically reserved for sanctions. Secondary sanctions usually include blacklisting individuals and entities, asset freezes and banking restrictions. The threat of US criminal charges and travel bans is also often used.

MAGA-style 'Anti-globalist' Politics Arrives In Japan
MAGA-style 'Anti-globalist' Politics Arrives In Japan

Int'l Business Times

time10 hours ago

  • Int'l Business Times

MAGA-style 'Anti-globalist' Politics Arrives In Japan

Populist ideals are gaining traction in Japan, spurred by right-wing politicians running rampant elsewhere railing against "elitism", "globalism" and immigration. While Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's coalition lost its upper house majority in an election on Sunday, the "Japanese first" Sanseito party, created only five years ago, increased its seats from two to 15. Sanseito's agenda comes straight from the copybook of right-wing movements such as US President Donald Trump's "Make America Great Again", the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and Nigel Farage's Reform party in Britain. This includes "stricter rules and limits" on immigration and foreign capital, opposition to "globalism" and "radical" gender policies, and a rethink on decarbonisation, vaccines and pesticide-free agriculture. Founded on YouTube, Sanseito will "bring power back to the people", party leader Sohei Kamiya, a 47-year-old former teacher and supermarket manager, wrote in the Japan Times. Surveys have put immigration far down the list of voters' concerns, who are much more worried about inflation and the economy. But for Sanseito, the influx of newcomers into Japan -- where the immigration its economy badly needs is far lower than in other developed countries -- is to blame for a host of ills from crime to rising property prices to dangerous driving. "It's fine if they visit as tourists, but if you take in more and more foreigners, saying they're cheap labour, then Japanese people's wages won't rise," Kamiya said at a campaign. But he added: "We are not exclusionary. We have never called to drive out foreigners." Meanwhile online platforms have been flooded with disinformation, some of which Japanese fact-checking groups and the government have debunked. Some posts falsely claimed that foreigners leave almost $3 billion of medical bills unpaid a year, or that Chinese residents on welfare doubled in five years. At a Sanseito election rally in front of Tokyo's Shinagawa station, where orange T-shirted party workers handed out "Stop destroying Japan!" flyers, one voter told AFP she was finally being heard. "They put into words what I had been thinking about but couldn't put into words for many years," said the 44-year-old IT worker on a precarious short-term contract. "When foreigners go to university, the Japanese government provides subsidies to them, but when we were going to university, everyone had huge debts." Russian bot accounts have been responsible for "large-scale information manipulation", according to a much-read blog post by Ichiro Yamamoto from the Japan Institute of Law and Information Systems think-tank. This has been helped by artificial intelligence enabling better translation of material into Japanese. More understanding towards Russia -- something which was long anathema for Japanese right-wingers -- is also a theme for Kamiya. "Russia's military invasion (of Ukraine) was of course bad, but there are forces in the United States that drove Russia into doing that," Kamiya told AFP, denying he is "pro-Russia". He was forced during his campaign to deny receiving support from Moscow -- which has been accused of backing similar parties in other countries -- after a Sanseito candidate was interviewed by Russian state media. As in other countries, the rise of Sanseito and its success has prompted the government to announce new immigration policies, and other parties to make promises during the election campaign. Ishiba's LDP proclaimed the goal of achieving "zero illegal foreign nationals" and said the government will strengthen the management system for immigration and residency status. Eight NGOs issued a joint statement last week, since backed by over 1,000 groups, raising the alarm on "rapidly spreading xenophobia". "The argument that 'foreigners are prioritised' is totally unfounded demagoguery," the statement said. Hidehiro Yamamoto, politics and sociology professor at the University of Tsukuba, said that populism has not caught hold before because the LDP, unlike established parties elsewhere, has remained a "catch-all party". "The LDP has taken care of lower middle-class residents in cities, farmers in the countryside, and small- and mid-sized companies," Yamamoto said. And pointing to the rise and decline of other new parties in Japan in the past, he isn't sure Sanseito will last. "You can't continue gaining support only with a temporary mood among the public," Yamamoto said. Japan's opposition party Sanseito leader Sohei Kamiya delivers a campaign speech AFP

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