
Trouble At The Top: Epic Faces Mounting Antitrust Allegations Even As It Grows
Epic Systems is perhaps the most successful health technology company in the world. Its electronic health record (EHR) platform is now used by the majority of large health systems in the U.S. Its customers are vocal in their support and are often passionate defenders of the platform's reliability, configurability, and comprehensiveness. And its commercial success continues: according to newly released KLAS Research data, Epic gained even more market share in 2024, widening the gap between itself and competitors.
Epic won nearly 70% of hospital deals in 2024.
But with that dominance has come increasing scrutiny. Not from regulators yet, but from the companies who say they are being locked out of the future of healthcare innovation.
This week, CureIS Healthcare filed a sweeping lawsuit in federal court accusing Epic of unlawful efforts to block competition. CureIS alleges that Epic has systematically interfered with its business, pressured mutual customers to abandon its products, misappropriated trade secrets, and engaged in false advertising - all in an effort to expand Epic's control over adjacent healthcare IT markets. The complaint paints a picture of a company using its EHR and revenue cycle management hegemony as a springboard to colonize other sectors of the healthcare technology landscape.
And CureIS isn't alone. Particle Health, a startup focused on health data interoperability, filed a separate antitrust lawsuit against Epic last year, similarly alleging that the Verona-based company is using its market power to restrict third-party access to health data and thwart efforts at interoperability that could benefit patients and the broader health system.
Together, the lawsuits suggest that while Epic may be beloved by its customers, its tactics regarding smaller, adjacent vendors may be stirring deeper questions about fair competition and innovation.
CureIS is not a household name, but for more than a decade it has provided software that help Medicaid and Medicare managed care organizations (MCOs) clean up and reconcile enrollment, claims, and billing data - an often messy corner of healthcare IT. These tools, such as EnrollmentCURE and RecoveryCURE, rely on data integrations with technology platforms like Epic's EHR and RCM systems to function effectively.
According to CureIS's complaint, Epic has deliberately prevented those integrations, blocking CureIS from accessing the data its products require. The lawsuit alleges that Epic pressured mutual customers to terminate their contracts with CureIS, sometimes even after those customers had acknowledged that Epic's competing offerings were inferior or incomplete.
Among other issues, the complaint claims that Epic used confidential information shared under non-disclosure agreements to develop its own versions of CureIS products. CureIS says Epic induced customers to share detailed architecture and implementation documents, only to later promise to replicate the functionality internally—often using that very documentation as a roadmap.
More seriously, the lawsuit alleges that Epic imposed an 'Epic-First' policy, in which 'any entity utilizing Epic's EHR or RCM software must use Epic's versions of other products too, if it has a version of the product in question.'
CureIS argues that this conduct not only harmed its own business but also left customers with worse tools and less flexibility, ultimately undermining efficiency and innovation in a sector that already struggles with outdated workflows and fragmented systems.
CureIS's complaint echoes themes raised earlier this year by Particle Health, which similarly claims that Epic's business practices are impeding fair access to patient data and suppressing interoperability. Particle's focus is on the 'last mile' of health data—getting information from disparate systems to where it's needed most. The company argues that Epic's control over the nation's health records gives it undue influence over what data is shared, how it's shared, and who can participate in that exchange.
The core concern in both suits is not just Epic's size, but how that size and market power is allegedly being used. In both cases, plaintiffs argue that Epic is no longer simply competing on the merits of its core products, but actively leveraging its power to prevent others from doing so.
This dynamic would be easier to dismiss if Epic's platform weren't, by most accounts, genuinely effective. The company is trusted by its users in a way that few software platforms are. It routinely scores top marks for customer satisfaction. It delivers deeply integrated functionality. And for hospital IT departments besieged with too many vendors that don't deliver, Epic has become a true partner.
That customer devotion has helped fuel a virtuous cycle. Epic is now expanding beyond EHR and RCM into a broad suite of tools that serve payers, pharmaceutical companies, laboratories and even consumers. By doing so, it is building out network effects that reinforce its central role in the healthcare ecosystem, connecting stakeholders who all increasingly rely on Epic's infrastructure to operate, communicate, and exchange data.
From its Cosmos data platform, which aggregates clinical data for research, to its health plan integration features, Epic is creating a flywheel where each new product reinforces demand for others. But that same flywheel, in the eyes of its critics, can look like a walled garden—one where innovation flows only from the center, and others must knock (or sue) to get in.
The lawsuit comes against a broader regulatory and legal backdrop that is increasingly skeptical of dominant tech platforms, and how they might be leveraging their power.
CureIS explicitly cites Epic's alleged information blocking as a violation of the 21st Century Cures Act and the associated federal regulations implemented by the Office of the National Coordinator for Health IT. These rules prohibit "actors"—including health IT developers—from interfering with the access, exchange, or use of electronic health information. The complaint accuses Epic of exactly that: denying CureIS and mutual customers the data access necessary for CureIS's software to function, despite customer authorization, and without any valid exception under the rule. In a post-Cures Act environment, such conduct isn't just anticompetitive—it may be illegal under federal information blocking provisions.
Outside of healthcare, courts are increasingly drawing hard lines around similar forms of platform dominance. In a major ruling last year, Judge Amit Mehta found that Google's $20 billion in annual payments to Apple to remain Safari's default search engine constituted illegal anticompetitive behavior.
More recently, the U.S. Department of Justice signaled it is seeking structural remedies that could force a breakup between Google's Chrome browser and its search advertising business. Apple, too, has drawn judicial ire: despite a prior court order requiring it to loosen App Store restrictions that prevent developers from steering users to alternate payment options, a federal judge recently found that Apple continues to flout the order, delaying compliance in ways that sustain its control over app monetization. Together, these cases underscore a growing legal recognition that platform power, when abused to entrench incumbency and exclude competition, is not only harmful but actionable.
"Epic believes in free and fair competition, and we also believe our customers are in the best position to choose the right solutions to meet their needs—whether with Epic or by adopting other products and services," an Epic spokesperson said in a request for comment.
After two lawsuits alleging unlawful tactics that implicate antitrust concerns, however, the pattern is increasingly difficult to ignore.
The company declined to answer specific questions about the case, including whether an 'Epic-First' policy exists.
As Epic pushes further into adjacent markets including telehealth, CRM, prior authorization, and more, vendors and investors alike are watching closely. If the company is truly replicating third-party functionality and using integration as a chokepoint, or representing 'vaporware' as a reason to avoid competitors, it raises fundamental questions about the rules of the road in digital health.
These questions are especially urgent in light of Epic's market trajectory. Epic continues to win the majority of hospital deals and gain even more ground, especially among large hospitals and health systems. With nearly universal adoption among top-tier academic centers and continued wins among regional health systems, Epic's position is not just dominant—it's bordering on infrastructural.
That kind of power brings responsibility not just to customers, but to the broader healthcare innovation ecosystem. Epic's platform is central to how care is delivered, how value is measured, and how data flows. Whether it is also central to how innovation happens—or whether it is increasingly a bottleneck—is now a question for courts, policymakers, and the market to weigh.
Epic's size and success could make it a gravitational center that lifts up the innovation ecosystem around it. But if its conduct instead undermines startups that offer real value - especially in underserved areas like Medicaid managed care - then lawsuits like CureIS's may be just the beginning.
Healthcare needs platform players that enable innovation, not just defend territory. Epic may be at a crossroads: the company's core EHR product is the reason it continues to gain market share, yet its insistence on leveraging that EHR to advance its growth efforts may bring the type of scrutiny and lawsuits that threaten that success.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Hamilton Spectator
19 minutes ago
- Hamilton Spectator
What to know about inspections of Iran's nuclear program by the IAEA ahead of a key board vote
VIENNA (AP) — Iran's nuclear program remains a top focus for inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency, particularly as any possible deal between Tehran and the United States over the program would likely rely on the agency long known as the United Nations' nuclear watchdog. This week, Western nations will push for a measure at the IAEA's Board of Governors censuring Iran over its noncompliance with inspectors, pushing the matter before the U.N. Security Council. Barring any deal with Washington, Iran then could face what's known as 'snapback' — the reimposition of all U.N. sanctions on it originally lifted by Tehran's 2015 nuclear deal with world powers, if one of its Western parties declares the Islamic Republic is out of compliance with it. All this sets the stage for a renewed confrontation with Iran as the Mideast remains inflamed by Israel's war on Hamas in the Gaza Strip . And the IAEA's work in any case will make the Vienna-based agency a key player. Here's more to know about the IAEA, its inspections of Iran and the deals — and dangers — at play. Atoms for peace The IAEA was created in 1957. The idea for it grew out of a 1953 speech given by U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower at the U.N., in which he urged the creation of an agency to monitor the world's nuclear stockpiles to ensure that 'the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.' Broadly speaking, the agency verifies the reported stockpiles of member nations. Those nations are divided into three categories. The vast majority are nations with so-called 'comprehensive safeguards agreements' with the IAEA, states without nuclear weapons that allow IAE monitoring over all nuclear material and activities. Then there's the 'voluntary offer agreements' with the world's original nuclear weapons states — China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the U.S. — typically for civilian sites. Finally, the IAEA has 'item-specific agreements' with India, Israel and Pakistan — nuclear-armed countries that haven't signed the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. That treaty has countries agree not to build or obtain nuclear weapons. North Korea, which is also nuclear armed, said it has withdrawn from the treaty, though that's disputed by some experts. The collapse of Iran's 2015 nuclear deal Iran's 2015 nuclear deal with world powers, negotiated under then-President Barack Obama, allowed Iran to enrich uranium to 3.67% — enough to fuel a nuclear power plant but far below the threshold of 90% needed for weapons-grade uranium. It also drastically reduced Iran's stockpile of uranium, limited its use of centrifuges and relied on the IAEA to oversee Tehran's compliance through additional oversight. But President Donald Trump in his first term in 2018 unilaterally withdrew America from the accord , insisting it wasn't tough enough and didn't address Iran's missile program or its support for militant groups in the wider Mideast. That set in motion years of tensions, including attacks at sea and on land . Iran now enriches up to 60%, a short, technical step away from weapons-grade levels. It also has enough of a stockpile to build multiple nuclear bombs, should it choose to do so. Iran has long insisted its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes, but the IAEA, Western intelligence agencies and others say Tehran had an organized weapons program up until 2003. IAEA inspections and Iran Under the 2015 deal, Iran agreed to allow the IAEA even greater access to its nuclear program. That included permanently installing cameras and sensors at nuclear sites. Those cameras, inside of metal housings sprayed with a special blue paint that shows any attempt to tamper with it, took still images of sensitive sites. Other devices, known as online enrichment monitors, measured the uranium enrichment level at Iran's Natanz nuclear facility. The IAEA also regularly sent inspectors into Iranian sites to conduct surveys, sometimes collecting environmental samples with cotton clothes and swabs that would be tested at IAEA labs back in Austria. Others monitor Iranian sites via satellite images. In the years since Trump's 2018 decision, Iran has limited IAEA inspections and stopped the agency from accessing camera footage . It's also removed cameras . At one point, Iran accused an IAEA inspector of testing positive for explosive nitrates , something the agency disputed. The IAEA has engaged in years of negotiations with Iran to restore full access for its inspectors. While Tehran hasn't granted that, it also hasn't entirely thrown inspectors out. Analysts view this as part of Iran's wider strategy to use its nuclear program as a bargaining chip with the West. What happens next Iran and the U.S. have gone through five rounds of negotiations over a possible deal, with talks mediated by the sultanate of Oman . Iran appears poised to reject an American proposal over a deal this week, potentially as soon as Tuesday. Without a deal with the U.S., Iran's long-ailing economy could enter a freefall that could worsen the simmering unrest at home. Israel or the U.S. might carry out long-threatened airstrikes targeting Iranian nuclear facilities. Experts fear Tehran in response could decide to fully end its cooperation with the IAEA, abandon the the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and rush toward a bomb. If a deal is reached — or at least a tentative understanding between the two sides — that likely will take the pressure off for an immediate military strike by the U.S. Gulf Arab states, which opposed Obama's negotiations with Iran in 2015, now welcome the talks under Trump. Any agreement would require the IAEA's inspectors to verify Iran's compliance. But Israel, which has struck at Iranian-backed militants across the region, remains a wildcard on what it could do. Last year, it carried out its first military airstrikes on Iran — and has warned it is willing to take action alone to target Tehran's program, like it has in the past in Iraq in 1981 or Syria in 2007. ___ Associated Press writer Stephanie Liechtenstein contributed to this report. ___ The Associated Press receives support for nuclear security coverage from the Carnegie Corporation of New York and Outrider Foundation . The AP is solely responsible for all content. ___ Additional AP coverage of the nuclear landscape: Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .
Yahoo
32 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Why China's auto, tech giants threaten Tesla's self-driving future
By Norihiko Shirouzu AUSTIN, Texas (Reuters) -Chinese electric-vehicle makers led by BYD beat Tesla in the competition to produce affordable electric vehicles. Now, many of those same fierce competitors are pulling into the passing lane in the global race to produce self-driving cars. BYD shook up China's smart-EV industry earlier this year by offering its 'God's Eye' driver-assistance package for free, undercutting the technology Tesla sells for nearly $9,000 in China. 'With God's Eye, Tesla's strategy starts to fall apart,' said Shenzhen-based BYD investor Taylor Ogan, an American who has owned several Teslas and driven BYD cars with God's Eye, which he called more capable than Tesla's 'Full Self-Driving' (FSD). It's not just BYD. Other Chinese auto and tech companies are offering affordable EVs with FSD-like technology for a relative pittance. China's Leapmotor and Xpeng, for instance, offer systems capable of highway and urban driving in $20,000 vehicles. A slew of Chinese firms are chasing the same technology, an industry push backed by China's government. BYD's assisted-driving hardware costs are far lower than Tesla's, according to analyses performed for Reuters by companies that dismantle and analyze vehicles for automakers. The comparisons, which have not been previously reported, show that BYD's costs to procure components and build a system with radar and lidar are about the same as Tesla's FSD, which doesn't have such sensors. That undercuts Tesla's unusual technological approach, which aims to save costs by nixing such sensors and relying solely on cameras and artificial intelligence. The rising competition from Chinese smart-EV players is among the chief problems confronting Tesla CEO Elon Musk after his rocky tenure as a Trump administration advisor as he refocuses on his business empire - as Tesla vehicle sales are tanking globally. The stakes are made higher by a moment-of-truth challenge this month in Tesla's home base of Austin, Texas, where it plans to launch a robotaxi trial with 10 or 20 vehicles after a decade of Musk's unfulfilled promises to deliver self-driving Teslas. Tesla did not respond when reached for comment about its Chinese competitors. Previously, Musk has described Chinese car companies as the most competitive in the world. Chinese competition was one factor driving Tesla's strategic pivot away from mass-market EVs last year, when Reuters reported it had killed plans to build an all-new EV expected to cost $25,000. Musk has since staked Tesla's future instead on self-driving robotaxis, the hopes for which now underpin the vast majority of the automaker's stock-market value of roughly $1 trillion. Now Tesla faces the same stiff competition on vehicle autonomy from many of the same Chinese automakers who undercut its affordable-EV plans. Adding to the challenge are tech firms including Chinese smartphone giant Huawei, which supplies autonomous-driving technology to major Chinese automakers. Short of full autonomy, today's driver-assistance systems offer a critical competitive edge in China, the world's largest car market, where Tesla sales are falling amid a protracted price war among scores of homegrown EV brands. Tesla is further handicapped by China's regulations preventing it from using data collected by Tesla cars in China to train the artificial intelligence underpinning FSD. Tesla has been negotiating with Chinese officials, so far without success, to get permission to transfer such data back to the United States for analysis. Tesla's competitors in China do benefit from subsidies and other forms of policy support from Beijing for advanced assisted driving technology. Their advantages also stem from another consequential factor: cut-throat smart-EV competition that has characterized their industry over the past decade. The resulting EV boom created economies of scale and the industry's tendency to forgo some profit margins to expand new technologies' market penetration quickly, leading to lower manufacturing costs. STREETS OF SHENZHEN BYD investor Ogan, of Shenzhen-based Snow Bull Capital, has a front-row seat to China's autonomous-tech battleground. He recently drove several BYD models equipped with God's Eye, he said, and didn't have to take over driving in any of them while traveling the congested streets of Shenzhen, a bustling southern China megalopolis of 18 million people. Another notable smart-EV player in China is Huawei, experts say. Huawei lends its technology and branding to a half dozen automakers including heavyweights Chery, SAIC and Changan, and has lower-profile partnerships with more than a dozen other carmakers, Huawei representatives said. Reuters journalists rode in an Aito M9 — a luxury electric SUV from Seres with Huawei driver-assistance technology — as it navigated Shenzhen roadways in April. With a driver's hands off the wheel, the vehicle exited a highway seamlessly into a congested urban zone, where the M9 proceeded cautiously and slowed to a crawl as a construction worker appeared like he might walk into the roadway. At one point the vehicle turned right and slowly drifted left to avoid two men unloading boxes from a parked truck. The vehicle then parallel parked itself at Huawei's Shenzhen headquarters. Huawei was among several Chinese companies, including automakers Zeekr, Changan and Xpeng, that touted progress towards fully-autonomous cars at April's Shanghai auto show, even as Beijing announced a new marketing crackdown on terms such as 'smart' and 'intelligent' driving in the wake of a deadly crash in a Xiaomi vehicle involving driver-assistance technology. Huawei said it's ready to undergo a new validation regime being developed by Chinese regulators to certify so-called Level 3 driving systems, meaning they are capable enough to allow drivers to look away unless notified by the system to take over. Zeekr, a luxury brand of China auto giant Geely, also plans to soon sell cars with Level 3 systems. Tesla has yet to release such an "unsupervised" version of FSD because its technology needs more training to operate without a driver's hands on the wheel and eyes on the road. Tesla plans to launch self-driving robotaxis in Austin this month. Little is known about its plans. The company has said it aims to initially deploy between 10 and 20 fare-collecting driverless robotaxis in restricted geographic areas of the city, which Tesla has not publicly identified. 'GOD'S EYE' ON THE CHEAP Chinese EV makers are moving quickly to develop driver-assistance systems in a market where car-buyers are demanding them at a faster pace than in other regions, analysts say. Their ability to do so at lower costs poses the biggest threat to Tesla's new autonomy-based business model. BYD buyers can get an FSD-comparable version of God's Eye as a standard feature in cars priced at about $30,000. The cheapest FSD-equipped Tesla in China is a Model 3 selling for about $41,500. According to an analysis by A2MAC1, a Paris-based tear-down firm that benchmarks components, the mid-level God's Eye version most comparable to Tesla's FSD runs on an Nvidia computing chip with data collected through 12 cameras, five radars, 12 ultrasonic sensors, and one lidar sensor, at a cost of $2,105. That compares to $2,360 for Tesla's FSD, which uses cameras without sensors and two AI chips, the firm estimates. Cameras, radar and ultrasonic sensors are 40% cheaper in China than comparable devices in Europe and the United States, A2MAC1 estimates. Lidar sensors cost about 20% less, the firm says. Sensor costs have fallen because China's EV boom created economies of scale, said A2MAC1 engineer Elena Zhelondz. The fierce competition also pushed carmakers and suppliers to accept lower profits on driver-assistance equipment, she said. BYD's 22% gross margin will likely fall as it gives away God's Eye but it will benefit from a vehicle-sales boost, said Chris McNally, head of global automotive and mobility research for advisory firm Evercore. MORE CARS, MORE MILES, BETTER AI Falling behind the Chinese brands on driver-assistance technology would compound Tesla's challenges in China, where it's already losing market share to rivals including BYD, which sells an entry-level EV for less than $10,000. The growing scale of BYD and others could also provide a technological advantage: Racking up more miles on China roads helps train the AI technology needed to perfect automated-driving systems. BYD has a 'clear and ongoing market-share driving advantage' over Tesla in gathering such on-road data to refine God's Eye, Evercore's McNally said, adding that advantage might only increase as offering God's Eye for free helps sell more BYD vehicles. BYD's scale also helps lower costs by providing uncommon leverage over suppliers. In November, a BYD executive in charge of passenger-vehicle operations wrote to suppliers telling them that the automaker sold 4.2 million vehicles last year (more than double the number of Teslas sold) because of 'technical innovation, economies of scale, and a low-cost supply chain.' The executive noted the new year would likely bring more growth, but also fiercer competition. Without specifically mentioning God's Eye, he ended the letter by asking the suppliers for an across-the-board 10% price cut on all parts and systems starting on January 1, calling the new year a final 'knockout round.' Sign in to access your portfolio
Yahoo
an hour ago
- Yahoo
Canadian doctor after devastating Sudan assignment: 'The worst humanitarian crisis in the world'
Sudan is facing an emergency of staggering proportions, one that has displaced over 12 million people and decimated the nation's healthcare system. But unlike other global crises, this one seems to be happening almost entirely in silence. 'This is not just a war between two parties,' says Sana Bég, executive director of Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) Canada. 'It's a war on the people of Sudan.' What began as a power struggle between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in April 2023 has spiralled into what aid workers now describe as the world's largest displacement crisis. According to the World Health Organization, 70 to 80 per cent of the country's healthcare facilities are either nonfunctional or overwhelmed. In parts of Darfur, even the UN is absent, leaving MSF — also known as Doctors Without Borders — as the only international organization delivering aid on the ground. 'Having to choose between one life-saving activity for another are the kinds of decisions our teams are left to make because of this increasingly isolated environment where we're the only ones being relied on to carry out an entire scope of what should be an ecosystem of aid,' Bég says. This is not just a war between two parties. It's a war on the people of Sudan. For Dr. Reza Eshaghian, a Vancouver-based physician who recently returned from Darfur, the devastation is unlike anything he has seen before. 'What's happening in Sudan is the worst humanitarian crisis in the world, full stop,' he says. 'There are bombings, sexual violence, armed robbery. There's a lack of protection and international humanitarian law.' Eshaghian, who began working with MSF in 2014, was stationed in Nyala, a city in South Darfur. He noted that it's not just the violence itself that is killing people: 'So much of the suffering and death is from preventable illness. We saw women dying from eclampsia and postpartum hemorrhage. People are dying of malaria, malnutrition, diarrhea, dehydration, sepsis. These are things we know how to treat, but there's no infrastructure left to do it.' The hospital Eshaghian helped support saw overwhelming gaps in supplies and staffing. Although MSF brings in its own equipment, the logistics are gruelling, and his team saw supply shipments often delayed. There was also never enough. People are dying of malaria, malnutrition, diarrhea, dehydration, sepsis. These are things we know how to treat, but there's no infrastructure left to do it. Despite the danger, MSF has continued to provide help where it can, but the work has come at immense personal cost, especially for local staff. 'Eighty percent of our workforce globally is locally hired,' Bég notes. 'These are people whose homes are war zones. [They] tell us they have a fear of retaliation or repercussions for any actions that could be interpreted as siding with one warring party or the other. Having to live in fear on a regular basis is far different than what some of our teams that have the ability to get on a plane and leave face.' In other words, simply providing medical care can be seen as a political act. But that doesn't make it any more secure. The safety protocols MSF follows — clearly marked medical uniforms, identified facilities — are no longer a guarantee. 'We used to rely on international humanitarian law to protect aid workers and patients,' she says. 'That's not the reality anymore. Not in Sudan. The sad reality now is that we are no longer able to guarantee safety in the countries that we're operating in, so we're taking it day by day.' Among the most at-risk in Sudan, as is often the case in most war zones, are women and children. In one year alone, MSF supported approximately 8,500 births and performed over 1,600 emergency C-sections across Sudan. 'But the numbers don't tell the full story,' Bég says. 'We're talking about women walking 100 kilometres on foot, often pregnant or with sick children, just to reach care.' Eshaghian recalls one such woman who fled violence in Khartoum and arrived in Nyala with her three-year-old daughter — the last surviving member of her family. 'Her child had a fever. We were able to treat her. But the mother had lost her husband and other children along the way. Everything had been taken from them. And there are endless stories like this one." In many cases, the trauma goes even deeper. MSF staff are seeing widespread evidence of sexual violence being used as a weapon of war. 'Women have been raped while fleeing,' Bég says. 'Survivors end up giving birth to babies born out of rape, then they have to deal with the shame and fear of stigma and retaliation.' The scale of the trauma has pushed MSF to adopt community-based care models that, for example, can look like training trusted women in each village to serve as peer counsellors and connectors to formal care. 'We can't be everywhere,' Bég says. 'But we can empower people to help each other.' Both Bég and Eshaghian say that the world's silence on Sudan is not accidental — it's systemic. 'There are no foreign correspondents in Sudan. No international media,' Bég says. 'We are the eyes to the world, and we see that as a responsibility to speak out about what we're seeing and to call for an urgent scaling of aid.' That lack of visibility means less pressure on governments and organizations like the UN to act. 'UNICEF, UNFPA — their response is small and, in the case of Darfur, they're barely present,' Eshaghian says. 'There's clearly a lack of political and diplomatic pressure from governments who have the power to push for the end of this war.' Bég doesn't mince words. She asks, 'Who gets the privilege of our attention? There are certain conflicts that make it to our feeds, to our social media, to the news. There is an inherent inequity and racism in that itself. Where you live shouldn't determine whether you live, and that is what we're seeing in Sudan — willful ignorance.' Where you live shouldn't determine whether you live. Still, there are reasons to keep going — glimpses of joy, even in the bleakest corners. 'When you visit patients in the hospital, especially children who bounce back from illness and are quite resilient, you see their happiness. [We] took a lot of pride in ... being able to support the community, to see the impact,' Eshaghian says. What MSF is now demanding is clear: A significant increase in humanitarian access, stronger diplomatic pressure on Sudan's warring factions, and more support from countries like Canada. 'Our patients have no choice but to wake up with hope every day,' Bég says. 'The least we can do is show up for them and provide care. Hope is not optional, it's our moral imperative. We have to reject apathy.'