
Mandelson's plea to Blair for a fresh chance
His efforts were rewarded when Mr Blair appointed him to the plum post of Britain's commissioner on the European Commission in Brussels with responsibility for trade.
Former BBC director general Lord Birt (David Cheskin/PA)
Mr Mandelson was forced to quit as Northern Ireland secretary in January 2001 following claims he had helped the controversial Indian businessman Srichand Hinduja secure a UK passport in return for sponsoring the Millennium Dome.
Although an official inquiry cleared him of any impropriety, Mr Blair was reluctant to bring his old friend back into the fold after he had already resigned once before in a scandal over an undeclared home loan from fellow Labour minister Geoffrey Robinson.
In April 2003, however, Lord Birt – who was serving as a senior policy adviser in No 10 – wrote to the prime minister urging him to think again.
'I gather from Peter that you still talk to him regularly – but, as a safeguard, you may like to know what he reports to me about his current state of mind,' he wrote.
'He feels this spring/summer may be the moment of decision for him. He's approaching 50 – and he is sorely conscious that time is passing and he has yet to fulfil his promise.
'As you know, Peter's deepest wish is to return to government. He stresses that he has already proved to be a capable minister, and that he would be a strong ally for you in cabinet.
'If you judge a return to government is not possible, then he would like you to consider appointing him as EC Commissioner.
'One way or another, he says he wants to settle his future this year, even if it means a career outside politics.'
Just four months later, it was announced that he was to be the UK's next European commissioner. He was subsequently awarded a life peerage in 2008 and is currently the British Ambassador to the United States.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Spectator
35 minutes ago
- Spectator
The insoluble link between government and crime
In the 18th century, the cash-strapped British crown imposed customs duties on tea imports that rose as high as 119 per cent. Unsurprisingly, such huge tariffs sparked a smuggling boom in coastal towns such as Deal, in Kent, where the cliffs were pockmarked with secret tunnels and half the inhabitants lived off profits from such illicit activities. When the government tried to crack down in 1781, it had to send in a 1,000-strong militia, headed by 100 men on horseback. Yet smuggling may have accounted for more than half of England's trade at the time – and it often involved respected figures in communities who regularly bribed officials. This underlines how the imposition of taxes creates illegal markets that can eat into state revenues and corrupt society. The 18th-century authorities framed this fight in moral terms, with loyalists, such as the theologian John Wesley, fulminating that smugglers were 'worse than common highwaymen'. Others pushed fears that these crooks created 'a nursery for all sorts of vice and wickedness' and might be agents of their French foes. Yet if goods are overtaxed – or banned, like drugs today – then such smuggling can be viewed by some as a righteous fight against state injustice, thus funding and fuelling support for organised crime. This example is among the glittering array of facts and anecdotes that stud the pages of Homo Criminalis, an examination of organised crime by Mark Galeotti, whose expertise on Russia and security has been so prominent in the media since the launch of Moscow's atrocities in Ukraine. Fascinated by 'the shadow worlds in which a nerdy scholar is not meant to intrude', Galeotti probes the evolution of modern states, seeing them as 'essentially engines to raise and spend taxes'. He then asks provocatively if we should be thinking of nations as 'well-organised mafias which have been around long enough to accrue legitimacy'. He does not really answer his own question; but this does not negate his subversive appraisal of organised crime, as he spears hypocrisy. Dante's Inferno, written seven centuries ago, placed corrupt politicians in the eighth Circle of Hell, immersed in a lake of boiling pitch to reflect the impotence of the public to thwart their greed. As Galeotti says, corruption monetises privilege. Even elevating party donors or prime ministerial friends to the House of Lords fosters a damaging sense of moral degeneration. There is a corrosive belief that 'if they break the rules, why shouldn't we?' Prosperous western democracies condemn corruption in poorer parts of the planet while their firms pay vast bribes and launder stolen cash. Galeotti romps at delirious speed through disreputable sectors such as drugs, human trafficking, gambling and pornography, spraying around often fascinating historical nuggets. In a chapter on cybercrime, he points out that the first case of hacking occurred in 1903 when Guglielmo Marconi was demonstrating his cutting-edge radio technology by preparing to send a message in Morse code to London. The receiver started suddenly tapping out the word 'rats', followed by the transmission of a scurrilous poem, since a magician had found a way to interfere with his signal. The author's obvious enthusiasm for his subject is matched by impressive erudition. Discussing gambling, he flits in one paragraph from a deity's huge wager mentioned in the Mahabharata to Richard I's efforts to curb betting during the Third Crusade. Then, in the subsequent one, he looks at the restrictions imposed by 13th-century Norwegian authorities in Bergen and a 14th-century ban on dicing and football in England intended to promote archery practice. Keep up at the back! Clearly, organised crime is deeply capitalistic, with its 'violent entrepreneurs', even if Marxist academics portray 'social bandits' as liberation heroes in peasant societies. Galeotti argues that the underworld constantly adapts to service markets created and left unmet by the upper world, filling gaps emerging at any level, from backstreet drug dealing to sourcing antiquities for the wealthy. It exploits globalisation, leverages rivalries between nations and thrives on mistakes made by rulers – such as the ridiculous US attempt to prohibit alcohol. Galeotti claims that criminals become indicators of the gap between what society thinks it should have and what the state is willing to allow. History shows that when the gap grows too great, the deviant behaviour of gangsters can become redefined as legitimate. This is a curious book – engaging and informative, yet ultimately leaving the reader wondering if it is really saying anything new. It does not solve the conundrum of how to draw the line between the underworld and upper world, despite skilfully skewering the posturing of polite society. One Scottish study found organised crime laundered its profits in cash-in-hand sectors such as cleaning and security, 'helping to fuel the consumption habits of the middle classes in the bourgeois utopias'. And, as the author says, we need to recognise that our banks are full of dirty money; our foreign policy depends on deals with vile kleptocrats; our supply chains are packed with counterfeits; and our consumer goods and raw materials are reliant on trafficked labour. Sadly, all too often we turn a blind eye while brutal gangsters inflict misery.


Spectator
35 minutes ago
- Spectator
Britain's new role as a bastion of black culture
One of the great works of journalism to have come out of the Jamaican-British encounter is Journey to an Illusion by the late Donald Hinds. Published in London in 1966, the book is made up of a series of interviews with Commonwealth citizens who had settled hopefully on these shores after the war. Hinds, who was born in Jamaica in 1934 and worked in London as a bus conductor, was disappointed to find that the British were not only unmindful of the Commonwealth, but disinclined to help African-Caribbean immigrants. (Gallingly for him, Italians in the Soho confectionary business were extended a warmer welcome, even though they had fought on Hitler's side.) Inevitably as a 'clippie' on double-deckers, Hinds was exposed to racism. African-Caribbean folk were not that numerous in 1950s London and an entire week could go by without Hinds seeing another black face. Yet London Transport played its role, he believed, in breaking down race prejudice as buses allowed the public to encounter people from the Caribbean for the first time and even (heavens!) talk to them. But the sense of camaraderie did not last. The UK was convulsed by race 'disturbances' in 1958, when tensions erupted first in Nottingham, then, more grievously, in London. White youths ('Teddy Boys' to the press) set out to assault the black and Asian colonial inhabitants of Shepherd's Bush and the area then known as Notting Dale, between the factories of Wood Lane and the now middle-class streets of Notting Hill. Oswald Mosley's neo-fascist Union Movement rallied Britons to go out 'nigger-hunting'. So began four days of some of the worst civil unrest the UK was to see until the Brixton riots three decades later. In her exhaustive history of the Anglophone Caribbean, Imaobong Umoren relates that any slender confidence British Caribbean migrants might have felt as citizens of the country of 'Missus Queen' was undermined by the riots. Overnight they found themselves denigrated as unwanted 'coloured' room-seekers. (Back in the Caribbean, the term 'coloured' applied to people of mixed race, but in the UK it was one of the basic words of ghastly genteel boarding-house culture.) Mosleyite calls for racial purity puzzled Hinds and other newcomers from the West Indies, as racial mixing was not new to them: Chinese and Indian indentured labourers had long married into the local African slave-descended populations. Hinds (who died in Brixton in 2023 at the age of 89) was one of the first to champion the English-speaking Caribbean as a multi-shaded community of nations, at once parochial and international in its collision of African and European cultures. Jamaica's own intermingling of Asian, white and African bloods in some ways made it a more 'modern' society than postwar Britain. Hinds, ahead of his time, could see that the UK, too, was going to be racially mixed one day. Umoren, a professor at the LSE, argues that the problem of the colour-line continues to haunt British-Caribbean relations. An insidious 'shadism' has ensured that a minority of white or near white (what Jamaicans call 'local white') inhabitants still control the plantations and other industries. Planter snobberies were shaped and defined by colour (or, more properly, ethnicity). In order to bolster their social status, slave-owners evolved an elaborate ranking of skin, beginning with their eminences at the top and descending to the 'salt-water Negro' at the bottom. Between black and white were mustees, mustaphinos, quarteroons, octoroons and Sambos –a derogatory term for the children of 'mulatto' and African mix. Aspects of this racialised system have survived, says Umoren. She deploys an armoury of off-putting campus-brand jargon ('hereditary racial slavery', 'male heteropatriarchy', 'racial-caste hierarchy') to make her point. The so-called 'white élites' of Georgian England could do no good at all. Even the abolitionists under William Wilberforce were 'middle class religious zealots' who culpably derided African culture. The only hope of salvation for the formerly enslaved lay in their move white-ward into Christianity. Yet, as Umoren acknowledges, many African Caribbeans today hold romantic opinions of the British Empire, or at least display a pious Anglo-patriotism (call them 'Afro-Saxons'). For them, Britannia was not all 'white supremacist ideology' and 'racial capitalism'. An example? Though the death penalty still exists in Jamaica, most capital punishments are overturned in London by the Privy Council, Jamaica's court of Final Appeal. Thus an ancient British institution comprised of mostly 'élite' white Law Lords becomes an unlikely defender of human rights in Jamaica. Such paradoxes are part of the Caribbean confusion: Victorian moralities that have long disappeared in the UK linger on in its former dependencies. Lanre Bakare's We Were There, a bracingly readable social history, celebrates the UK as a bastion of black culture, black music and food. Most white-owned grocery stores in the UK now stock tins of Caribbean ackee, bottles of pepper sauce and carrot juice. The 'Jamaicanisation' of London's old Caribbean quarter – its boundaries roughly at Marble Arch, Bayswater, Notting Hill and Ladbroke Grove – quickened apace after Jamaica's independence in 1962, when more of its inhabitants left for the UK. Britain's indigenous culture is now so deeply influenced by the island that a Jamaican inflection is hip among white British teenagers. (Dizzee Rascal, whose scratchy beats appeal to both white and black audiences, has 'Londonised' a Caribbean tradition of storytelling that was previously found in reggae, calypso and ska's shuffle beat.) For good or ill, Jamaican culture is youth culture in British cities. Bakare, who was born in West Yorkshire to a Nigerian father and a mother from Leeds, is well placed to write about Lagosian high-life guitar, ragga, reggae, jazz funk and hip-hop. He conjures the black music and racism that was occasionally rife in the Liverpool and Cardiff docks, as well as in Manchester and Edinburgh during the 11-year Thatcher premiership. While punk took hold in London in the late 1970s, a black American dance music craze exploded in Wigan and other inner city areas in the north where African Caribbean migration was at its most dense. Tony Palmer's astonishing Wigan Casino documentary, shot in the Greater Manchester dancehall during the winter of 1977, inspired Bakare, he says, to write this book. It shows a Northern Soul all-nighter in full, amphetamine-amped swing. The dancers are manifestly almost all white, but, as Bakare points out, Northern Soul song lyrics often communicated aspects of the black consciousness movement espoused by Stokely Carmichael and other African-American civil rights activists. (The video for Pulp's current Motown-like single 'Got to Have Love', appropriately, uses footage from the documentary.) In vivid, well-written pages, Bakare considers the British countryside as a last enclave of whiteness, though things are changing. Black nature lovers are now represented by such groups as the London Caribbean Trekkers, Bristol Steppin Sistas and Peaks of Colour. In 1989, the Daily Telegraph's former editor Bill Deedes (who championed the use of the countryside by all) suggested that the rural Black Environmentalist Network come out in favour of field sports: 'Blacks for Foxhunting' was the slogan he suggested, not entirely in jest. Bakare's excellent book captures the life and glory of a culture that changed the face of Britain for good.


Spectator
35 minutes ago
- Spectator
Make Trump Britain's prime minister
When I was a young man, the claim that Britain was in danger of becoming the 51st state was a political slur mainly thrown about by the left, particularly those who objected to the presence of US military bases. But there was some anti-American sentiment on the right, too – Enoch Powell, for instance, had a dislike of America's hostility to the Empire that dated back to his service in the second world war. I'm even guilty of some anti–American prejudice myself and wrote a memoir in which I tried to convey that my failure to take Manhattan in the mid-1990s was because I wasn't willing to sell my soul to Mammon. Well, I take it all back. Having watched Donald Trump's performance at the joint press conference with the Prime Minister on Monday, I wish he was our leader and not Sir Keir Starmer. On all the key topics the President touched on – immigration, net zero, the awfulness of Sadiq Khan – I am in violent agreement with him. I would now like nothing more than for Britain to be the 51st state. It's not just because I'm more closely politically aligned with Trump than Starmer. If Britain was part of the United States, Trump wouldn't hesitate to start deporting undocumented migrants, as he's done in the US, where (according to the White House) illegal immigration has fallen by 95 per cent since he became the 47th President. All those tedious legal obligations we have under the European Convention on Human Rights and the Refugee Convention would be swatted aside like so many pesky flies. If the price to pay is renaming the stretch of water between Britain and France the 'American Channel', so be it. When it comes to energy, I can think of no greater boon to the British economy than re-starting oil and gas exploration in the North Sea, lifting the fracking ban and exploiting our mineral rights in the South Atlantic. It's our insane net-zero policy and our resulting electricity prices that is partly responsible for our GDP per capita being lower than Mississippi's, the poorest state in the union. Incidentally, average GDP per capita was higher in the UK than the US as recently as 2007. We passed the Climate Change Act the following year, around the same time as our long, ignominious decline began. Above all, there's the First Amendment. Oh, how I wish the speech of British citizens enjoyed the same protections as that of Americans. All the fetters on freedom of expression that have sprung up like knotweed since the passing of the Race Relations Act in 1965 – buried in nasty little clauses in the Public Order Act 1986, the Malicious Communications Act 1988, the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, the Communications Act 2003 and the Online Safety Act 2023 – would not survive a First Amendment challenge. The moment we became the 51st state, they would all be placed in what Americans call 'the circular file', i.e. the bin. Of course, it won't ever happen – and I don't want this to read like a counsel of despair. I still hold out a sliver of hope that a future British government will do its best to implement all of these policies, although stopping the boats, scrapping net zero and restoring free speech would be a good deal easier if we were the 51st state. In the words of Paul Goodman, a Conservative colleague in the House of Lords, if a ministry led by Nigel Farage tried to do any of these things, it 'would be met on day one by an institutional intifada'. A radical, reforming government might have the intestinal fortitude to stand up to this onslaught, but, like Lord Goodman, I fear it would soon be seen off by the closed ranks of the Establishment, much like Liz Truss's was. But I have a solution. We all know Trump to be an ambitious man who will be reluctant to surrender power in 2028. So why shouldn't he become a British citizen and run against Sir Keir in 2029, either as the newly installed head of Reform UK or as the leader of a new political party? His mother was born in Scotland, so he's eligible, and unlike in the US, you don't have to be born in Britain to occupy our highest political office. I imagine the prospect of addressing the House of Commons as our prime minister will appeal to him as an act of sweet revenge after being denied the opportunity to address parliament during his forthcoming state visit. If anyone can take on the Blob, the Donald can. Kemi Badenoch can be deputy prime minister and Nigel our ambassador in Washington (after being given a hereditary peerage). Mr President, if you're reading this, I want you to know I stand ready to serve. Let's make Britain great again.