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BJP pays rich tributes to ideologue Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee

BJP pays rich tributes to ideologue Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee

Hans India3 hours ago

Hyderabad: Union Minister and BJP State President Kishan Reddy stated that after independence, the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru compromised the country's future for temporary benefits regarding Article 370, effectively handing over a part of Kashmir to Pakistan. He addressed the media after paying tribute at an event organized by the BJP on Monday, saying, 'We have been celebrating the martyrdom of Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee for the last several years.'
In 1951, Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee founded the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. He was a minister in the first Union Cabinet. However, resigned from the Nehru Cabinet to create the Bharatiya Jana Sangh and launched a movement to protect Kashmir by opposing Article 370.
While the entire country displayed the Tricolour, Kashmir had its own flag. While India had one Prime Minister, Kashmir had its own Prime Minister. Although Ambedkar's Constitution was implemented across India, Jammu and Kashmir was granted special rights under Article 370.
Dr Mukherjee criticized Nehru's selfish decisions, which he believed harmed the country, but Nehru ignored his warnings. He was the first to advocate for the repeal of Article 370 to make Jammu and Kashmir an integral part of India. Dr. Mukherjee posed the question: 'If Jammu and Kashmir is indeed an integral part of India, why should it have a separate Prime Minister and special rights?'
He entered Jammu and Kashmir while strongly opposing the visa and permit system, with Atal Bihari Vajpayee supporting him. However, upon entering Jammu and Kashmir, he was arrested for not having a permit, and he later died under suspicious circumstances, leading to ongoing allegations of foul play.
Dr Mukherjee was committed to safeguarding the nation's integrity, taking decisive action to realize this vision, ultimately leading to his sacrifice. His goal was realized by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2019 with the abrogation of Article 370, granting Dalits and women in Jammu and Kashmir equal rights as those in other parts of India.
'During the period Article 370 was in effect, 42,000 soldiers and civilians lost their lives in Jammu and Kashmir. The Congress party ignored these sacrifices and failed to protect the weaker sections of society. The situation was dire,' he added.
In response, BJP national president Murli Manohar Joshi organized an Ekta Yatra from Kanyakumari to Kashmir to hoist the national flag at Lal Chowk, with Modi acting as the convener. After the Modi government took power, the situation in Jammu and Kashmir changed dramatically, culminating in the official hoisting of the national flag at Lal Chowk following the abrogation of Article 370.
After independence, the Congress party attempted to divide the country along caste, religion, and language lines for electoral gain, neglecting Hindus to appease other religious groups. The Modi government, however, focused on suppressing terrorist activities and prioritized the integrity of the nation over party interests.
The BJP has consistently responded proactively during times of crisis. When Indira Gandhi imposed the Emergency, she curtailed press freedoms, undermined democracy, and manipulated court rulings to maintain her power. During that time, the Jana Sangh was merged into the Janata Party, albeit reluctantly, to support civil rights and safeguard press freedoms.
'Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee provided us with extraordinary leadership, patriotism, and a noble ideology. Today, 140 million people are members of the BJP. In remembrance of his sacrifice, we continue to move forward along the path he set under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi,' said Kishan Reddy.

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Raj Narain: The unlikely hero who couldn't stop fighting, including his own side
Raj Narain: The unlikely hero who couldn't stop fighting, including his own side

Indian Express

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  • Indian Express

Raj Narain: The unlikely hero who couldn't stop fighting, including his own side

Of all the words used to describe Raj Narain, few would use 'hero'. Most would say 'maverick'. Characteristically, even at the zenith of his political career, the man who brought down Indira Gandhi could not help but be both. Fifty years later, Narain remains among the few people who can claim to have been instrumental in toppling two Indian Prime Ministers – Mrs Gandhi, and then Morarji Desai. It was the then 57-year-old's petition that led to the Allahabad High Court setting aside Mrs Gandhi's 1971 election, leading to her declaring the Emergency. In the 1977 Lok Sabha polls, Narain rounded off this defeat by trouncing Mrs Gandhi personally at the hustings. Come 1979, he conspired with the Congress to install Charan Singh as the Janata Party PM. A former wrestler from Uttar Pradesh and a heavyset man, who sported thick spectacles and a green cloth tied casually around his head, Narain relished a son-of-the-soil image – as far removed from Gandhi's Lutyens upbringing as it could get. However, Narain was nobility too, belonging to the Narayan dynasty, the royal family of the erstwhile Banaras State. According to the Union Ministry of Culture website, which features him among the honorees of the 75 years of Indian Independence project, Narain was a direct descendant of Maharajas Chet Singh and Balwant Singh. By the time Narain's paths crossed with Mrs Gandhi's though, he had left that far behind, becoming a follower of Ram Manohar Lohia, committing himself to socialism, virtually disowning his assets and even distancing himself from family, and dedicating himself to 'empowerment of the backward and downtrodden'. Back in 1934, when the Congress Socialist Party carved itself out as a bloc within the Congress, Narain was among those affiliated with it. After Independence, he contested and won in the first two UP Assembly elections, with his mercurial politics already on display. If, in 1952, he won from Banaras City South as a Socialist Party candidate, in 1957, it was from the Kaswar Sarkari seat in Varanasi (Banaras was named Varanasi in 1956) as an Independent. But the one constant was his adherence to Lohia's principles of 'protest' and 'agitate', no matter if they landed him in jail. Apart from the period he spent behind bars before Independence, he served at least 14 years in prison after 1947. UP was accustomed to images of policemen struggling to remove a protesting Narain as he lay prostrate on the road. It became so common for Marshals to drag him out of the UP Assembly over some protest or another that it came to be called 'the Raj Narain style of protest'. In March 1954, addressing the UP Assembly, Narain said that given caste-based discriminations, 'It is a historical necessity that the backwards and the weak will organise themselves based on caste. No one can stop this.' In 1966, Narain decided to move to national politics, and became a Rajya Sabha MP. This, incidentally, didn't go down well with Lohia. Before Narain's first term in Parliament ended though, he joined the race against Indira Gandhi from the Rae Bareli seat in the 1971 Lok Sabha polls, taking up the challenge at a time that nobody would. This was Mrs Gandhi's 'Garibi Hatao' slogan election. On April 24, 1971, days after the results, in which he was soundly defeated by the Congress leader, who repeatedly described him in the campaign as 'a hater and baiter of mine', Narain filed a petition in the Allahabad High Court accusing the newly re-elected Prime Minister of electoral malpractices. Known advocate Shanti Bhushan represented him. Narain also had the backing of his old mentor and former UP chief minister C B Gupta, who had gone with the anti-Indira Gandhi faction in the Congress split of 1969. However, few took the case seriously at the time. In 1973, Narain fought a bypoll from the Banka Lok Sabha seat, but again lost. By 1974, Narain was back in the Rajya Sabha from UP. He also plunged himself into the Jayaprakash Narayan Movement against Mrs Gandhi. On February 17, 1975, with the protests beginning to rattle the Congress government, Narain was among those arrested. He was taken regularly from jail to Bhushan to get an update on his case against Mrs Gandhi. On June 12, 1975, Justice Jagmohan Lal Sinha of the Allahabad High Court delivered his order, setting aside Mrs Gandhi's election, while granting her time to move the Supreme Court. She could continue functioning as PM but not participate in proceedings in Parliament. Twelve days later, on the midnight of June 25-26, Mrs Gandhi declared the Emergency. Narain spent 19 months behind bars. When Mrs Gandhi declared surprise elections on January 18, 1977, Narain again contested against her from Rae Bareli, and defeated her this time by over 55,000 votes. In her book Indira Gandhi: An Intimate Biography, Pupul Jayakar, who was a close associate of the former PM, wrote: 'Raj Narain was a freak on the political canvas. A huge, heavy-shouldered man, a wrestler in his early years, he had emerged from the akharas of Varanasi to political notoriety. He was regarded by some as a buffoon or court jester; by others as a shrewd man of the soil.' Katherine Frank, the author of Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi, described Narain as 'the original source of all Indira's woes'. Both this shrewdness and this ability to be a troublemaker was again evident when Narain went about helping put together the Janata Party government to replace the Congress after the 1977 results. He was among those who backed Morarji Desai as PM. In the Desai cabinet, he got the Ministry of Health and Family Planning, which he renamed as Health and Family Welfare to distance it from the taint of forced sterilisation drives during the Emergency. However, Narain soon turned against Desai, accusing the Janata Party government, particularly Desai's son Kanti, of corruption. He also put the government on the edge by constantly raising the issue of the Jana Sangh members in the Janata Party continuing their ties with the RSS. On July 1, 1978, Narain was removed from the Janata Party Executive and as Union Minister. Narain then threw in his lot with Desai rival and PM aspirant Charan Singh. Due to differences with Desai, Charan Singh had earlier resigned from the government but had been wooed back with the posts of Deputy PM and Finance Minister in January 1979. Till then, Narain was seen as opposed to Charan Singh, due to the frosty ties between the latter and his mentor C B Gupta. Narain had even coined the term 'Chair Singh' for Charan Singh, considering his frequent political somersaults. But there were more tricks in Narain's bag, and he now met Sanjay Gandhi to engineer the fall of Desai. In her book on the Emergency, The Indian Express Contributing Editor Coomi Kapoor writes that Sanjay organised meetings between Chandraswami and Narain, in which Narain was persuaded to convince Charan Singh to take Congress support and topple Desai – turning the whole raison d'etre of the Janata Party on its head. Mrs Gandhi was only too happy to join in the humiliating blow to her rivals. Finally, Narain, along with Janata Party leaders like George Fernandes and Madhu Limaye, withdrew support to Desai and he resigned. But the Charan Singh government that took over, with Congress support, lasted 23 days, with the new PM resigning without even facing a floor test. Fresh elections were called, and Mrs Gandhi returned to power. In his book All The Janata Men, published during this topsy-turvy time, journalist Janardan Thakur wrote: 'Raj Narain never believes in going anywhere unless he can create a storm around himself. Legislature and Parliament are just other akharas for him to wrestle in.' Sure enough, Narain was not done. In the 1979 Lok Sabha polls, he delivered another surprise, contesting not from Rae Bareli but Varanasi, against the Congress's Kamalapati Tripathi – who was a fellow follower of socialist stalwart Acharya Narendra Dev. Before he filed his nomination, Narain even met Tripathi to seek token money to file his nomination and to get his blessings, given their common 'guru'. Narain lost. Later, Charan Singh too would feel the sharp edge of Narain's U-turns. After ties between them worsened to the extent that Singh sacked him from his Lok Dal in April 1980, Narain travelled the breadth of UP to take on Charan Singh in the 1984 Lok Sabha polls from his turf of Baghpat. An Independent, Narain secured 7.14% of the votes and came third. Two years later, on December 31, 1986, Raj Narain – by then referred to by his followers fondly as 'Lok Bandhu' – passed away. In their book Lok Bandhu Raj Narain, authors Dheerendra Sriwastava and Lalji Rai quoted Lohia as saying: 'As long as a person like Raj Narain is in this country, dictatorship can't grow here.' Charan Singh himself would acknowledge the impact of his sometime comrade in Dr Yugeshwar's book Apatkal Ka Dhumketu (Emergency's Comet). 'The political world,' he said, 'can never forget Raj Narain.'

AIADMK Faces Backlash After Clip Targeting Periyar, Annadurai Played At Lord Muruga Conference
AIADMK Faces Backlash After Clip Targeting Periyar, Annadurai Played At Lord Muruga Conference

NDTV

time22 minutes ago

  • NDTV

AIADMK Faces Backlash After Clip Targeting Periyar, Annadurai Played At Lord Muruga Conference

Chennai: What was billed as a grand spiritual celebration - the Lord Muruga conference in Tamil Nadu's Madurai on Sunday - has turned into a major political embarrassment for the opposition AIADMK. Organised by the Hindu Munnani and spearheaded by the BJP, the event took a controversial turn when a video critical of Dravidian icon Periyar and former Tamil Nadu Chief Minister CN Annadurai was screened with several senior AIADMK leaders on stage, including Deputy Leader of the House RB Udhayakumar. The AIADMK, which draws ideological legitimacy from Annadurai, whose name it carries, was caught off guard, with its leaders facing backlash for remaining silent during the episode. The video, which reportedly questioned the legacy of Periyar and Annadurai, has provided ammunition to the ruling DMK, which wasted no time in slamming the AIADMK for "mortgaging itself to the BJP". "Even God will not forgive a spiritual event being turned into a political meet," said DMK spokesperson Dr Syed Hafezullah, calling the episode a blatant political stunt disguised as a devotional gathering. The AIADMK said the video should not have been played. "They could have avoided using this video. In future, this has to be avoided and no room should be given for fodder to rivals to portray that all is not well in the AIADMK-BJP alliance," party spokesperson Kovai Sathyan told NDTV. Senior leader SP Velumani also sought to downplay the controversy, warning critics not to underestimate the party's reverence for its late leaders. "You know how our leader responded when our late leaders were insulted," he said, referring to the AIADMK's past decision to snap ties with the BJP following controversial remarks by former state BJP chief K. Annamalai. Despite the unease, the AIADMK has indicated that its alliance with the BJP remains intact. The conference, attended by thousands, was part of the BJP's larger effort to expand its footprint in Tamil Nadu, a state where it has historically struggled to gain electoral traction. The party has pinned its hopes on leveraging religious symbolism and cultural events, such as this Lord Muruga conference, to build resonance in the Dravidian heartland. To boost appeal, the BJP roped in Andhra Pradesh Deputy Chief Minister and actor Pawan Kalyan, whose appearance added star power to the event. The exhibition also showcased replicas of all six abodes of Lord Muruga, attracting large crowds. Marking their presence at the exhibition ahead of the conference were BJP-appointed governors, including Tamil Nadu Governor RN Ravi and Jharkhand Governor CP Radhakrishnan, offering prayers. However, the controversy over the anti-Periyar video may have overshadowed the BJP's larger messaging, with critics calling it a deliberate provocation to undermine the Dravidian movement, which remains deeply rooted in the state's political and social fabric. As the political fallout unfolds, the AIADMK finds itself on the defensive, trying to balance its alliance with the BJP while safeguarding the legacy of its founding icons.

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