
Trump's firing of labor data chief: a terrible gamble with America's future
Curious about whether the U.S. economy risks a similar loss of trust and a massive capital flight like the one that hit Argentina more than a decade ago, I called several former top Argentine officials and economists who have inside knowledge of what happened in that country.
It turns out there are striking similarities — and some important differences.
Trump fired Commissioner of Labor Statistics Erika McEntarfer, a career bureaucrat, on Aug. 1, complaining without showing evidence that she had manipulated disappointing new hiring figures released that day. In essence, he fired the messenger of bad news.
Trump said in his social media that 'today's jobs numbers were RIGGED in order to make the Republicans, and ME, look bad.' He announced that she would be replaced with 'someone much more competent and qualified.'
The news drew alarm bells, especially since it followed months of repeated threats by Trump to Federal Reserve chief Jerome Powell for resisting his calls to lower U.S. interest rates. The credibility of U.S. economic data, a bedrock of the U.S. and global economies, was suddenly in question.
A headline in The Wall Street Journal read, 'The president's move throws the quality of America's statistical apparatus into question.' The message from economists was clear: If U.S. data are no longer trusted, foreigners and domestic investors will take their money elsewhere. Swiss bankers may already be salivating.
Martin Redrado was the president of Argentina's Central Bank at the time when late President Nestor Kirchner intervened in his country's official INDEC economic statistics institute in 2007, and he said it was 'the beginning of Argentina slow-motion financial collapse.'
Redrado told me that the Central Bank he presided over even started disregarding the INDEC's official statistics in its published reports, and instead relied on private economic figures. Between 2007 and 2015, Argentina's populist government fired growing numbers of respected INDEC statisticians, a move that further damaged the credibility of official data and drove investors to sell Argentine bonds.
'The United States still has stronger institutions than Argentina had at the time,' Redrado told me. 'But if Trump fired the head of the Federal Reserve, it would put the United States in the same category as Argentina was back then.'
Fausto Spotorno, head of the Institute of Economics at Argentina's UADE University, told me that people shouldn't read too much into the fact that the U.S. stock market didn't sink on its first session after McEntarfer's dismissal.
'In Argentina, the loss of confidence in government data was a gradual process,' Spotorno said. 'It took years of growing government intervention in official statistics before the markets panicked.'
Typically, after the 2007 intervention of the INDEC, the Kirchner administration would privately press food companies to lower the prices on some of their products, and then order government statisticians to pick those goods to measure inflation, Spotorno said.
In effect, the government would tell a company, 'Lower the price of that product, and do whatever you need to do with the prices of your other products.' Then, it would ask government statisticians to measure the lower-priced goods when measuring inflation data.
Marcelo Giugale, a former top World Bank official and Georgetown University economist who follows Argentina's economy closely, told me that Trump's firing of the Labor Department's top statistician 'is very bad news for the United States and for the world.'
'It's like if the pilot of the world's biggest aircraft sees that the plane is losing altitude, and instead of checking what's going wrong, and consulting with the co-pilot and experts on the ground, takes a hammer and smashes the dashboard,' he said. 'That's what Trump did by firing McEntarfer.'
Giugale added that America still has other government statistics offices that are likely to continue putting out truthful figures, but cautioned that people's distrust may extend to them. 'Distrust is contagious,' he said.
'If people start distrusting labor statistics, they may soon distrust inflation, tax collection and all other government figures,' he said. 'Likewise, if the government puts out good economic news, nobody may believe them.'
In Argentina, lack of trust in government data led to capital flight, rampant inflation and a debt crisis. Argentina is still trying to recover investors' confidence, even after President Javier Milei started making draconian free market reforms in 2024.
The bottom line is that Trump's firing of the statistician in charge of employment numbers may not by itself be a harbinger of disaster. But if he follows through with his threats to effectively take control of the Federal Reserve, as he has done with the Justice Department and other government agencies, it may be the beginning of the end of America — and the U.S. dollar — as the world's most stable economy.
Don't miss the 'Oppenheimer Presenta' TV show on Sundays at 9 pm E.T. on CNN en Español. Blog: andresoppenheimer.com
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

Los Angeles Times
18 minutes ago
- Los Angeles Times
Trump, casting himself as ‘peacemaker-in-chief,' faces tests in Gaza and Ukraine
WASHINGTON — After styling himself for decades as a dealmaker, President Trump is showing some receipts in his second term of ceasefires and peace agreements brokered on his watch. But the president faces extraordinary challenges in his latest push to negotiate ends to the world's two bloodiest conflicts. Stakes could not be higher in Ukraine, where nearly a million Russian soldiers have been killed or wounded in pursuit of Vladimir Putin's war of conquest, according to independent analysts. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers add to the catastrophic casualty toll. Trump's struggle to get both sides to a negotiating table, let alone to secure a ceasefire, has grown into a fixation for Trump, prompting rare rebukes of Putin from the U.S. president. And in the Gaza Strip, an alliance that has withstood scathing international criticism over Israel's conduct of its war against Hamas has begun to show strain. Trump still supports the fundamental mission of Israel's prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, to destroy the militant group and secure the release of Israeli hostages in its possession. But mounting evidence of mass starvation in Gaza has begun to fray the relationship, reportedly resulting in a shouting match in their most recent call. Breakthroughs in the two conflicts have evaded Trump, despite his efforts to fashion himself into the 'peacemaker-in-chief' and floating his own nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize. In Turnberry, Scotland, last month, Trump claimed that six wars had been stopped or thwarted under his watch since he returned to office in January. 'I'm averaging about a war a month,' he said at the time. He has, in fact, secured a string of tangible successes on the international stage, overseeing a peace agreement between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda; hosting a peace ceremony between Armenia and Azerbeijan; brokering a ceasefire between Cambodia and Thailand, and imposing an end to a 12-day war between Israel and Iran after engaging U.S. forces directly in the conflict. 'As president, my highest aspiration is to bring peace and stability to the world,' Trump said at the ceremony with Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders Friday. 'We've only been here for six months. The world was on fire. We took care of just about every fire — and we're working on another one,' he said, 'with Russia, Ukraine.' Trump also takes credit for lowering tensions between Serbia and Kosovo, and for brokering a ceasefire between two nuclear states, India and Pakistan, a claim the latter supports but the former denies. 'Wars usually last five to 10 years,' said Michael E. O'Hanlon, chair in defense and strategy at the Brookings Institution. 'Trump is tactically clever, but no magician. If he actually gets three of these five conflicts to end, that's an incredible track record. 'In each case, he may exaggerate his own role,' O'Hanlon said, but 'that's OK — I welcome the effort and contribution, even if others deserve credit, too.' Well past his campaign promise of ending Russia's war with Ukraine 'within 24 hours' of taking office, Trump has tried pressuring both sides to come to the negotiating table, starting with the Ukrainians. 'You don't have the cards,' Trump told Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in an infamous Oval Office meeting in February, chastising him to prepare to make painful concessions to end the war. But in June, at a NATO summit in the Netherlands, Trump's years-long geniality with Putin underwent a shift. He began criticizing Russia's leader as responsible for the ongoing conflict, accusing Putin of throwing 'meaningless ... bull—' at him and his team. 'I'm not happy with Putin, I can tell you that much right now,' Trump said, approving new weapons for Ukraine, a remarkable policy shift long advocated by the Europeans. The Trump administration set Friday as a deadline for Putin to demonstrate his commitment to a ceasefire, or otherwise face a new round of crushing secondary sanctions — financial tools that would punish Russia's trading partners for continuing business with Moscow. Those plans were put on hold after Trump announced he would meet with Putin in Alaska next week, a high-stakes meeting that will exclude Zelensky. 'The highly anticipated meeting between myself, as President of the United States of America, and President Vladimir Putin, of Russia, will take place next Friday, August 15, 2025, in the Great State of Alaska. Further details to follow,' Trump wrote on his social media platform, Truth Social, on Friday. 'Thank you for your attention to this matter!' Meeting Putin one-on-one — the first meeting between a U.S. and Russian president in four years, and the first between Putin and any Western leader since he launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 — in and of itself could be seen as a reward for a Russian leader seeking to regain international legitimacy, experts said. Worse still, Putin, a former KGB officer, could approach the meeting as an opportunity to manipulate the American president. 'Putin has refused to abandon his ultimate objectives in Ukraine — he is determined to supplant the Zelensky government in Kyiv with a pro-Russian regime,' said Kyle Balzer, a scholar at the conservative American Enterprise Institute. 'He wants ironclad guarantees that Ukraine will never gain admittance to NATO. So there is currently no agreement to be had with Russia, except agreeing to surrender to Putin's demands. Neither Ukraine nor Europe are interested in doing so. 'Put simply, Putin likely believes that he can wear down the current administration,' Balzer added. 'Threatening Russia with punitive acts like sanctions, and then pulling back when the time comes to do so, has only emboldened Putin to strive for ultimate victory in Ukraine.' A European official told The Times that, while the U.S. government had pushed for Zelensky to join the initial meeting, a response from Kyiv — noting that any territorial concession to Russia in negotiations would have to be approved in a ballot referendum by the Ukrainian people — scuttled the initial plan. The Trump administration is prepared to endorse the bulk of Russia's occupation of Ukrainian territory, including the eastern region of Donbas and the Crimean peninsula, at the upcoming summit, Bloomberg reported. On Friday, Trump called the issue of territory 'complicated.' 'We're gonna get some back,' he said. 'There will be some swapping of territories.' Michael Williams, an international relations professor at Syracuse University, said that Trump has advocated for a ceasefire in Ukraine 'at the expense of other strategic priorities such as stability in Europe and punishment of Russia through increased aid to Ukraine.' Such an approach, Williams said, 'would perhaps force the Kremlin to end the war, and further afield, would signal to other potential aggressors, such as China, that violations of international law will be met with a painful response.' At Friday's peace ceremony, Trump told reporters he was considering a proposal to relocate Palestinian refugees to Somalia and its breakaway region, Somaliland, once Israel ends hostilities against Hamas in the Gaza Strip. 'We are working on that right now,' Trump said. It was just the latest instance of Trump floating the resettlement of Palestinians displaced during the two-year war there, which has destroyed more than 90% of the structures throughout the strip and essentially displaced its entire population of 2 million people. The Hamas-run Health Ministry reports that more than 60,000 civilians and militants have died in the conflict. Hamas, recognized as a terrorist organization by the United States, the European Union and others, has refused to concede the war, stating it would disarm only once a Palestinian state is established. The group continues to hold roughly 50 Israeli hostages, some dead and some alive, among 251 taken during its attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, which also killed about 1,200 people. Israel's Cabinet voted this week to approve a plan to take over Gaza City in the north of the strip and, eventually, the rest of the territory, a deeply unpopular strategy in the Israeli military and among the Israeli public. Netanyahu on Friday rejected the notion that Israel planned to permanently occupy Gaza. Despite applying private pressure on Netanyahu, Trump's strategy has largely fallen in line with that of his predecessor, Joe Biden, whose team supported Israel's right to defend itself while working toward a peace deal that, at its core, would exchange the remaining hostages for a cessation of hostilities. The talks have stalled, one U.S. official said, primarily blaming Hamas over its demands. 'In Gaza, there is a fundamental structural imbalance of dealing with a terrorist organization that may be immune to traditional forms of pressure — military, economic or otherwise — and that may even have a warped, perverse set of priorities in which the suffering of its own people is viewed as a political asset because it tarnishes the reputation of the other party, Israel,' said Robert Satloff, executive director of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. 'So Trump really only has leverage over one party — his ally, Israel — which he has been reluctant to wield, reasonably so.' In Ukraine, too, Trump holds leverage he has been unwilling, thus far, to bring to bear. 'There, Trump has leverage over both parties but appears reluctant to wield it on one of them — Russia,' Satloff said. But Trump suggested Friday that threatened sanctions on India over its purchase of Russian oil, and his agreement with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to secure greater security spending from European members, 'had an impact' on Moscow's negotiating position. 'I think my instinct really tells me that we have a shot at it,' Trump said. 'I think we're getting very close.'


Boston Globe
18 minutes ago
- Boston Globe
Zelensky rejects formally ceding Ukrainian territory, says Kyiv must be part of any negotiations
Zelensky dismissed the planned summit, warning that any negotiations to end Europe's biggest conflict since World War II must include Kyiv. 'Any decisions that are without Ukraine are at the same time decisions against peace. They will not bring anything. These are dead decisions. They will never work,' he said. Following Trump's comments, European and Ukrainian officials gathered in England with US Vice President JD Vance on Saturday. The hours-long meetings in Kent produced significant progress on trying to bring about an end to the war, according to a US official who did not offer any details, including which European allies participated. The official was not authorized to speak publicly and spoke on condition of anonymity. Advertisement French President Emmanuel Macron said in a post on X before the meetings that he had talked with Zelensky, Starmer and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz and that they 'remain determined to support Ukraine.' 'Ukraine's future cannot be decided without the Ukrainians. … Europeans will also necessarily be part of the solution, as their own security is at stake,' he said. Advertisement In a statement posted to Telegram, Zelensky said Ukraine's territorial integrity, enshrined in the constitution, must be nonnegotiable. Ukrainian officials previously told The Associated Press privately that Kyiv would be amenable to a peace deal that would de facto recognize Ukraine's inability to regain lost territories militarily. The Trump-Putin meeting may prove pivotal in a war that began when Russia invaded its western neighbor and has led to tens of thousands of deaths, although there's no guarantee it will stop the fighting since Moscow and Kyiv remain far apart on their conditions for peace. 'It seems entirely logical for our delegation to fly across the Bering Strait simply, and for such an important and anticipated summit of the leaders of the two countries to be held in Alaska,' Putin's foreign affairs adviser, Yuri Ushakov, said Saturday in a statement posted to the Kremlin's news channel. In his comments at the White House Friday, Trump gave no details on the 'swapping of territories.' Analysts, including some close to the Kremlin, have suggested that Russia could offer to give up territory it controls outside of the four regions it claims to have annexed. Trump said his meeting with Putin would come before any sit-down discussion involving Zelensky. His announcement that he planned to host one of America's adversaries on US soil broke with expectations that they'd meet in a third country. Nigel Gould-Davies, a senior fellow for Russia and Eurasia at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, told the AP that the 'symbology' of holding the summit in Alaska was clear and that the location 'naturally favors Russia.' Advertisement 'It's easy to imagine Putin making the point. … We once had this territory and we gave it to you, therefore Ukraine had this territory and now should give it to us,' he said, referring to the 1867 transaction known as the Alaska Purchase when Russia sold Alaska to the United States for $7.2 million. On the streets of Kyiv, reactions to the idea of Ukraine ceding territory to Russia ranged from skepticism to quiet resignation. 'It may not be capitulation, but it would be a loss,' said Ihor Usatenko, a 67-year-old pensioner, who said he would consider ceding territory 'on condition for compensation and, possibly, some reparations.' Anastasia Yemelianova, 31, said she was torn: 'Honestly, I have two answers to that question. The first is as a person who loves her country. I don't want to compromise within myself,' she told the AP. 'But seeing all these deaths and knowing that my mother is now living in Nikopol under shelling and my father is fighting, I want all this to end as soon as possible.' Svitlana Dobrynska, whose son died fighting, rejected outright concessions but supported halting combat to save lives. 'We don't have the opportunity to launch an offensive to recapture our territories,' the 57-year-old pensioner said, 'But to prevent people from dying, we can simply stop military operations, sign some kind of agreement, but not give up our territories.' Before Trump announced the summit, his efforts to pressure Russia to stop the fighting had delivered no progress. Trump had moved up an ultimatum to impose additional sanctions on Russia and introduce secondary tariffs targeting countries that buy Russian oil if the Kremlin did not move toward a settlement. The deadline was Friday. The White House did not answer questions Saturday about possible sanctions. Advertisement The Kremlin's bigger army is slowly advancing deeper into Ukraine at great cost in troops and armor while it relentlessly bombards Ukrainian cities. On Saturday, two people died and 16 were wounded when a Russian drone hit a minibus in the suburbs of the Ukrainian city of Kherson, regional Gov. Oleksandr Prokudin said. Two others died after a Russian drone struck their car in the Zaporizhzhia region, according to regional Gov. Ivan Fedorov. Ukraine's air force said it intercepted 16 of the 47 Russian drones launched overnight, while 31 drones hit targets across 15 different locations. It also said it shot down one of the two missiles Russia deployed. Russia's Defense Ministry said its air defenses shot down 97 Ukrainian drones over Russia and the Black Sea overnight and 21 more Saturday morning.


Boston Globe
18 minutes ago
- Boston Globe
Why it's been such a slow congressional retirement season
Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up One new wrinkle is all the states discussing drawing new congressional districts to give their side a better chance at the majority come November 2026. That could freeze the decision-making process for several more months. Some safe incumbents want to know whether they are getting moved into politically untenable new districts, in which case they might head for the exits rather than run hard when defeat is certain. Advertisement For now, eight Democrats and 11 Republicans are retiring from the House at the end of their terms next year, but 15 of them are actually running for higher office. Another, Rep. Mikie Sherrill (D), will retire at the end of this year if she wins the New Jersey governor's race in November. Advertisement Just three of those 20 come from battleground districts: Reps. Don Bacon (R-Nebraska), Angie Craig (D-Minnesota) and John James (R-Michigan). But Craig and James are running next year for senator and governor, respectively, in their states. So far Bacon, from a district that favored Joe Biden and Kamala Harris in the last two elections, is retiring from elective politics entirely and vacating a true swing seat. After the 2024 elections left the House in a near tie — 220 Republicans, 215 Democrats — some longtime political analysts question whether it matters if an incumbent is on the ballot at all, because the deciding voters tend to have low information about politics and, if they vote, side with the party out of power. 'This country is evenly divided, which often leads to an evenly split House. Additionally, House races have become increasingly close to being parliamentary — who the candidates are is of less importance than the party they represent,' Charlie Cook, founder of the Cook Political Report With Amy Walter, wrote in late July. 'Among the tiny slice of voters in the middle, when they do vote, they are far more likely to vote against a candidate than for someone.' Rep. John James (R-Michigan), who serves in a battleground district, is running for governor of Michigan. Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post Regardless of such assessments, the operatives inside the two caucus's political arms — Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and its counterpart, National Republican Congressional Committee — always believe it's best to have their battle-tested incumbents running for reelection, as they are familiar to voters and comfortable raising the extreme amounts of money needed in today's politics. Advertisement And there also tend to be domino effects among lawmakers who see longtime friends deciding to leave, prompting them to consider retiring rather than running for another term. Trump's first midterm election cycle provided a great example of this, as the return from August recess started with a retirement bang. Within five days in early September 2017, Reps. Dave Reichert (R-Washington), Charlie Dent (R-Pennsylvania) and Dave Trott (R-Michigan) announced they would vacate their suburban swing districts. Reichert and Dent had won seven terms, and Trott two. All three won in 2016 by wide double-digit margins. In his announcement, Dent cited a political climate dominated by 'disruptive outside influences that profit from increased polarization and ideological rigidity that leads to dysfunction.' Democrats won all three of those seats the following year. That set the tone for the remainder of the midterm elections, as seasoned GOP members bowed out, including two veteran California Republicans, Reps. Darrell Issa and Edward R. Royce, who announced two days apart in early January 2018 that they would not run for reelection. Democrats won both of those seats also, en route to an election in which they won 13 seats previously held by Republicans that had been left open by retirements, and one where the GOP incumbent lost his primary. Democrats won a net gain of more than 40 seats in 2018 and held the majority for four years. All told, 52 House members retired that election season, including the speaker, Paul D. Ryan (R-Wisconsin), the largest number in the past 30 years, according to the Brookings Institution. Almost three dozen more lost either in their primary or general elections, a massive turnover of more than 20 percent of the 435-member House. Advertisement Sometimes the retirement wave does not start after the August recess and instead comes later in the odd year, around the Thanksgiving and Christmas holiday season. That's also the point at which veteran incumbents and their campaign operatives have a bit more political data about where the district stands, how it approves or disapproves of the president, and whether the lawmaker can win in the upcoming midterm. In mid-December 2009, Rep. Bart Gordon (D-Tennessee), a 13-term veteran, joined a growing number of Democrats who saw a brutal 2010 taking shape and decided to depart. In Gordon's case, he had coasted to reelection every two years, not even facing a Republican opponent in 2008, but that year his voters had given John McCain a more than 20-point margin in the district over Barack Obama. He hit a reflective point in life and decided it was time to bolt. 'Turning 60 has led me to do some thinking about what's next,' Gordon said in a statement at the time. 'I have an 8-year-old daughter and a wonderful wife who has a very demanding job.' Gordon was one of four Democrats, with more than 60 years of combined experience, to announce retirement plans in the week of Thanksgiving or the two weeks following it. Obama had become deeply unpopular in the South. In spring 2010, just 42 percent of Tennesseans approved of his job performance. As a result, Republicans won Gordon's seat with 67 percent of the vote, and they have held it since without too much effort. Republicans won the three other seats as well, part of a 63-seat wave in terms of House seats gained. Advertisement Today's swing-seat incumbents are dominated by a large number of relative newcomers, the type of people who are in quite different political circumstances than Gordon in 2010 or Reichert in 2018. Of the 18 House races that the Cook report rates as pure toss-ups, just three incumbents started serving before Trump ran for president in 2016: Reps. Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio), Scott Perry (R-Pennsylvania) and David Schweikert (R-Arizona). Expanding out to include the next 22 most competitive races, only three incumbents began their House service before Trump entered politics. By and large, these incumbents have generational profiles like Reps. Michael Lawler (R-New York) and Emilia Strong Sykes (D-Ohio). Lawler, 38, defeated a Democratic incumbent in 2022, helping Republicans reclaim the House majority, and won again in 2024 even as Harris won his district over Trump. Sykes, 39, won a close race in 2022 and, in a presidential year in which Harris and Trump effectively tied in her district, she won by more than 2 percentage points. At this point, especially after Lawler decided against a bid for governor, both are running hard for reelection with no intent to retire. Yet each of their states gets mentioned when it comes to redistricting, with Republicans having full control of the Ohio state legislature and Democrats in charge of the New York legislature. If those states start redrawing the House districts, their seats would be prime targets for partisans to move the lines around to make easy pickups for the other party. Any massive revamping of these districts could prompt a flurry of new retirement announcements.