
Everybody welcome as NRL Magic Round gets off to triumphant start
In a fading but authentic 1990s Bears jersey, Moore was surrounded by seven men in their 50s. They had just asked for a photo, but the former North Sydney lock forward was in good spirits, so he regaled them about that time he screamed 'Queenslander' while running out for a State of Origin match in 1995. 'Best four seconds of my fucking life,' he told the men, to raucous laughter suggesting the moment was the best four seconds of theirs.
Now in its sixth year, Magic Round has become famous for the interactions between rugby league fans and their idols. Toddy Carney and Trent Barrett were doing meet-and-greets for corporate guests 50m around the corner from Moore. On the other side of the ground, at around the same time, Tigers great and Australian Rugby League Commission member, Wayne Pearce, listened politely as a man in a vintage Parramatta jersey explained his vision of the game.
The event has all the ingredients of a rugby league dream. Not the long-term aspiration-style of dream, mind you. Magic Round is falling asleep on the couch with Tina Turner on repeat and a Winfield Red tucked behind the ear. The three and now four days of rugby league at Suncorp Stadium is very much a billowing fantasy for those who swear allegiance to the Steeden.
It is also one that draws half the nation's attention. So Peter Dutton's decision to politicise welcome to country ceremonies in the final week of the election campaign, an act dubbed 'pure culture-war stuff' by Malcolm Turnbull, threatened to pop the magic bubble.
To the NRL's credit, the organisation stuck with their plans to hold two welcomes this week. To the credit of fans, neither was a source of angst or frustration. Instead, First Nations Australians were met on Friday not with boos but cheers. Nicho Hynes, a proud Indigenous man and mental health advocate sent KL Iro over with a masterful short pass to put Cronulla on the scoreboard. The Eels struck back not long later through Josh Addo-Carr, the Indigenous All Stars winger.
Wander around Magic Round, and it's clear few want to undermine the harmony that fuels the event. The stands are a rainbow of jerseys from generations of league. Fans relish sharing the memories of others' designs. Of Brett Mullins in Canberra Milk. Craig Gower with Panther black streaked with blue. Or Luke Ricketson in tricolours adorned with Samsung, then an unheralded upstart. Now, just unheralded.
One supporter with a Power's-sponsored Broncos jersey, in casual discussion about the momentum for Magic Round (his girlfriend works in travel and says it is without doubt Brisbane's biggest weekend for hotel occupancy) outed his mate in a Bulldogs flannie as a Trumpet of Patriots voter. The Canterbury man, on the subject of welcomes to country, said they were uncontroversial given the contribution of Indigenous rugby league players and the First Nations traditions of clubs like Souths. 'The AFL doesn't have a club synonymous with Indigenous excellence,' he said.
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Of course, rugby league is not without division and contradiction. 'Weak, woke, sending us broke,' says the attack ad targeting prime minister Anthony Albanese on the Kayo Sports coverage, paid for by conservative group Advance Australia. On the chest of Parramatta Eels coach Jason Ryles is the logo of James Hardie, the company whose name for many remains synonymous with grief. The avalanche of sports betting promotion promises glory, kudos and riches to young men, and yet the 'chances are you're about to lose' message at the end of each ad jars less than the knowledge the Labor government has largely failed to act on the recommendations of the late MP Peta Murphy.
But on Friday night the near 50,000 fans inside Suncorp Stadium – like much of Australia, weary after a long campaign – had little thought for the Senate ballot paper. Above the line, the enduring memory was instead left by Cronulla's Ronaldo Mulitalo, who leapt for the ball and came down contorting his body like he was a politician with a work from home policy, fumbling at the last minute.
Then, late in the second match ultimately won by the Roosters 36-26, the Dolphins were eyeing a comeback. Ray Stone was almost over the line and appeared certain to score. But when a leaping Billy Smith used his outstretched fingertips to dislodge the ball, it was a reminder nothing is a sure-thing.
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The Guardian
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Figueredo is still repaying the construction loans, but amid Bolivia's worst economic crisis in four decades, he has been forced to cut the rental price of the building's 400-capacity event hall from 5,000 bolivianos (£540) to 2,500 (£270). He voted for the centre-right business tycoon Samuel Doria Medina, who ended up in third place. 'The majority of cholet owners I speak to no longer support Mas,' said Figueredo. A similar impression comes from Ramiro Sirpa, 47, a sought-after sculptor of the giant fibreglass statues that adorn the fronts of the cholets and cost between 25,000 and 60,000 bolivianos. 'The cholet owners tell me that at the start of Mas's government, they were doing well, but in recent times it has been total disappointment,' he said. Gonzalo Chávez Álvarez said that, even though they were seen as Mas's natural constituency, many Indigenous businessmen were never socialists. 'They always followed a popular, cutthroat capitalism,' he said. 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'Paz Pereira was the only candidate who reached out to deep Bolivia – artisans, small business owners, farmers, transport workers – and who tried to forge alliances with popular sectors,' said analyst Valverde, noting that in the past it was Mas that managed to connect with these groups. 'Mas risks disappearing if it doesn't reinvent itself and make the mea culpa it has long resisted,' he added.


The Guardian
10 hours ago
- The Guardian
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After nearly 20 years of Mas government, the party's presidential candidate won just 3.16% of the vote in Sunday's election – only a whisker above the 3% threshold set by the electoral court for a party to remain eligible. Bolivia now faces a runoff vote in October between two rightwing candidates:the senator Rodrigo Paz Pereira and former president Jorge 'Tuto' Quiroga, Meanwhile, after winning two-thirds of Congress in past elections, preliminary estimates suggest Mas will now have only one member of the lower house and no senators. 'I voted for Mas in the past, but this time I chose the right,' said Ronnyxh Oliver Mamani Figueredo, 34, an Aymara carpenter and pharmacy owner who has a seven-storey, Knights of the Zodiac-themed cholet that cost more than $1m. Figueredo is still repaying the construction loans, but amid Bolivia's worst economic crisis in four decades, he has been forced to cut the rental price of the building's 400-capacity event hall from 5,000 bolivianos (£540) to 2,500 (£270). He voted for the centre-right business tycoon Samuel Doria Medina, who ended up in third place. 'The majority of cholet owners I speak to no longer support Mas,' said Figueredo. A similar impression comes from Ramiro Sirpa, 47, a sought-after sculptor of the giant fibreglass statues that adorn the fronts of the cholets and cost between 25,000 and 60,000 bolivianos. 'The cholet owners tell me that at the start of Mas's government, they were doing well, but in recent times it has been total disappointment,' he said. Gonzalo Chávez Álvarez said that, even though they were seen as Mas's natural constituency, many Indigenous businessmen were never socialists. 'They always followed a popular, cutthroat capitalism,' he said. 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Morales sought a fourth term that was widely seen as unconstitutional in 2019. On election night, he was ahead but not by enough to win outright; after a blackout, the resumed count showed him as the winner. The country erupted in violent protests, he resigned and fled the country. A new election was held in 2020. Morales's former finance minister, Arce, was chosen to stand for Mas and won. Morales returned, but soon fell out with Arce after failing to wield the influence he wanted. The party split, and by 2023 the rupture was clear when Morales announced plans to run in this year's elections; Arce blocked him and seized control of Mas. In the meantime, a case that had surfaced during the 2019 campaign re-emerged: Morales was accused of fathering a child with a 15-year-old girl – an act that, under Bolivian law, constitutes statutory rape. A prosecutor reopened the case in 2024 and issued an arrest warrant for Morales, who has since remained in the coca-growing Chapare region, shielded by hundreds of growers preventing his detention. Asked last week why police had not enforced the warrant, Arce told the Guardian: 'If the Bolivian police go ahead with the arrest, how many Bolivians will die? Is it worth many others dying for one person?' Barred from running under another party by constitutional and electoral court rulings, Morales called on his supporters to cast blank votes, which ended up far higher than the historic average of under 5%, reaching 19%. In Cochabamba, where the Chapare is located, blank votes reached 32.8%, more than those cast for Paz Pereira, who received 28.6%. But in other regions where Mas had also historically prevailed, such as El Alto, Paz Pereira, a senator and the son of a former president, who came out on top. 'Paz Pereira was the only candidate who reached out to deep Bolivia – artisans, small business owners, farmers, transport workers – and who tried to forge alliances with popular sectors,' said analyst Valverde, noting that in the past it was Mas that managed to connect with these groups. 'Mas risks disappearing if it doesn't reinvent itself and make the mea culpa it has long resisted,' he added.


Reuters
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