
RBI eases priority lending norms for SFBs, unlocks Rs 41,000 cr for low-risk sectors
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The Reserve Bank of India's move to lower priority sector lending target for small finance banks (SFBs) is expected to free-up around Rs41,000 crore that could be re-deployed into lending to low-risk segments like housing.The number equals about 15% of advances of small finance banks' balance sheets as on March 31, 2025, according to estimates by CareEdge. 'The ability to redeploy this capital into higher-yielding or lower-risk segments such as secured retail, MSME, or housing finance offers significant upside for SFBs,' the rating agency said in a report Tuesday.The report added that the regulatory shift comes at a time when the gross non-performing Assets (GNPA) for small finance banks increased to 4.35% as of March 31, 2025, compared to 3.50% a year earlier. The rise was primarily driven by SFBs with a higher concentration in microfinance lending. 'In this context, the revised norms offer relief, allowing SFBs to rebalance their portfolios, mitigate concentration risk, and chart a more sustainable growth path.'CARE also said that a lower PSL requirement would create opportunities for SFBs to sell Priority Sector Lending Certificates (PSLCs) or offload excess PSL exposure to other market participants. However, since the PSLC premium is currently low, this change's immediate impact on profitability may be limited in the short term.According to Kotak Institutional Equities, the central bank's relaxation does not solve the PSL compliance challenge for the small and marginal farmers (SMF) sub-sector, where the requirement stays unchanged at 10% of ANBC.This sub-segment is the most attractive with PSLC commissions in the range of 1.5-2.0% historically. 'In the near term, the relaxation will likely free up additional PSL in other subsectors (where PSLC commissions are much lower) for SFBs to earn modestly higher commissions until the share of PSL assets is in surplus,' the brokerage house said.The banking regulator on Friday lowered SFBs'' priority sector lending target to 60% of adjusted net bank credit (ANBC) or credit equivalent of off-balance sheet exposures (CEOBE), whichever is higher, from 75% earlier. The SFB shall continue to allocate 40% of ANBC or CEOBE to different sub-sectors under the priority sector, while the balance 20% can be allocated to any one or more sub-sectors where the bank has a competitive advantage.

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The Hindu
2 hours ago
- The Hindu
The Sisyphean quest to bolster manufacturing in India
78 Years of Freedom The Narendra Modi government's quest to bolster the domestic manufacturing sector is not the first time a government has tried this. In fact, the manufacturing sector has been the focus of government policy — in one way or the other — ever since 1956, to relatively modest success. At the time of Independence or thereabouts, the Indian economy looked very different from its current state both in terms of size as well as composition. At the time, agriculture was the overwhelmingly dominant driver of the economy, contributing about half of the country's Gross Domestic Product (GDP), as per data with the Reserve Bank of India. The nascent manufacturing sector, on the other hand, made up about 11% of the GDP. Now, the services sector has taken over the dominant role vacated by agriculture, while manufacturing has remained largely where it was. The first Five Year Plan (1951-56) focused on the idea of increasing domestic savings, since it was presumed that higher savings would directly translate into higher investments. This policy, however, ran into a fundamental problem: investments could not materially increase as the country did not have a domestic capital goods producing sector. The second Five Year Plan (1956-61), based on the ideas of PC Mahalanobis, and successive Plans sought to address this by increasing investments in the capital goods producing sectors themselves. The idea was to increase government investment in capital goods production, while the micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) would cater to the consumer goods market. As the economist and professor Aditya Bhattacharjea noted in a paper published in Springer Nature: 'With long-run growth being seen as the means for reducing widespread poverty, the model provided an intellectual justification for increasing investments in the capital goods sector of a labour-abundant country.' So, what followed was that growth rates of both investment in and output of the machinery, metals, and chemicals industries outpaced those of consumer goods industries. The Mahalanobis model did not incorporate specific industry-wise policies, but it had a few broad themes that came to characterise India's industrial policy over the country's first three decades since Independence. The first and most obvious theme was the huge role of the public sector. The feeling at the time was — not unlike what the Modi government felt in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic — that private sector investment would not be picking up the load for some time, and so the public sector would have to do the heavy lifting. The 1948 Industrial Policy Resolution (IPR) reserved the production of arms and ammunition for the Union government, and new investments in sectors as diverse as iron and steel, aircraft, ships, telephone, telegraph and wireless equipment were kept as the exclusive domain of central public sector enterprises. The 1956 IPR, which came after the historic Avadi session of the Indian National Congress in 1955, expanded the reserved list to 14 sectors. The driving ideology was that the government and the public sector would assume the 'commanding heights' of the economy. The second and equally significant theme of this thought process was the use of licensing as a means to ensure that scarce resources were allocated to priority sectors. Third, the belief was that the domestic industry would need to be protected from international competition, and this protection took the form of high tariffs — something U.S. President Donald Trump seems to have a problem with even today — and import licensing. By 1980, the share of manufacturing in India's GDP had grown to about 16-17%. According to some economists like Pulapre Balakrishnan, the real growth in the manufacturing sector took off from here, and not from the 1991 liberalisation, as is often assumed. This, they said, was due to a few policy changes enacted by the government of the time: allowing up to 25% automatic expansion of licensed capacities, allowing manufacturing licences to be used to produce other items within the same broad industrial category, and significant relaxation of price controls on cement and steel. The 1991 reforms and the resultant end of the 'licence raj', the opening up of the economy to the private sector and international competition further helped things, with the manufacturing sector growing strongly and contributing a steady 15-18% of a rapidly-growing GDP till about 2015. Steep fall That year saw a marked change, however, with the share of manufacturing in GDP consistently falling for the next decade. A major reason for this change was the non-performing assets (NPA) crisis in the banking sector. Profligate lending by banks in the 2009-14 period led to a build-up of bad loans, which came to light in 2015-18 following an Asset Quality Review of the banking sector. Such was the crisis and its fallout that bank lending to large industry virtually dried up. This, coupled with the loan-fuelled over-capacity that had been created during the 2009-14 period meant that companies did not need to invest in additional capacity to meet demand, and could not find adequate credit even if they wanted to invest. Underpinning all of this was the increased reliance on imports from China, which virtually converted large parts of Indian manufacturing into assembly and repackaging units. Of course, the COVID-19 pandemic also severely hampered both demand and investments in India. The Modi government's Make in India efforts, thus, could not prevent the share of manufacturing in GDP falling from 15.6% in 2015-16 to 12.6% in 2024-25 — the lowest share in 71 years. Another problem faced by the Modi government, something all previous governments also faced, was that a lot of the reforms to drive manufacturing were needed at the State level. So, while the Union government has put in place the framework for land and labour reforms that could potentially increase the scale of Indian manufacturing, they are held up as most State governments are not cooperating. The services sector, on the other hand, has gone from strength to strength on the back of the IT boom. So, where services made up 37% of the GDP in 1950, this grew to 42% by 1996-97. Thereafter, the acceleration was rapid, with the sector now making up nearly 58% of the GDP. So, 78 years after Independence, the manufacturing sector remains an also-ran in India's growth story, despite fervent attempts by government after government. The services sector, on the other hand, has blossomed outside the government's focus.

The Hindu
3 hours ago
- The Hindu
Tamil Nadu's KMUT Scheme: Gains and Gaps in Cash Transfer to Women
Published : Aug 14, 2025 21:01 IST - 6 MINS READ A year after the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam-led government in Tamil Nadu launched the Kalaignar Mahalir Urimai Thittam (KMUT) scheme, an unconditional monthly cash transfer of Rs.1,000 to the female head of eligible households in the State, a new report says that the scheme has helped in advancing women's financial autonomy but is yet to address some critical gaps. The report, titled 'A Right to Care, A Right to Welfare: A Study of the Kalaignar Mahalir Urimai Thittam', was released at Chennai's Anna Centenary Library on August 11, months before the 2026 Assembly election in the State. The survey was carried out by a team of researchers led by Prabha Kotiswaran in six districts: Virudhunagar, Dharmapuri, Coimbatore, Nagapattinam, Vellore, and Kancheepuram. 'The KMUT scheme recognises women's unpaid work and is very robust in terms of notification and implementation. We found that women are experiencing higher levels of financial well-being,' said Kotiswaran, a professor of law and social justice at The Dickson Poon School of Law, King's College London (KCL). She added that compared with cash transfer schemes in other States, the Tamil Nadu model 'offered hope'. Expenditure and food choices under KMUT The report, part of KCL's Laws of Social Reproduction project, shows that 96 per cent of the beneficiaries feel free from financial anxieties and more confident in handling life situations. A clear result of this increased independence is the way women decide to spend or save the KMUT amount. The report found that 82 per cent of beneficiaries spent the money, 6 per cent saved it entirely, and 12 per cent split it between saving and spending. About half the women used it for household goods, with spending on medicines now higher than everyday items. The data also showed that the beneficiaries were less likely to spend it on themselves. For instance, the report mentioned a beneficiary with a family of six who said that with inflation, she could not afford to spend anything on herself. Also Read | Welfare schemes win female voters but fail to boost women in politics The report states that the scheme has allowed women to buy a greater variety of food, with fish consumption seeing a notable rise among beneficiaries (17 percentage points) and their household members (19 percentage points). But it also notes that women are eating fewer meals because of rising grocery costs, indicating the amount is insufficient for their own expenses. Role in women's financial independence KMUT has changed the way things work at home for many, as the case of 36-year-old Vijayalakshmi suggests. A member of the women's union Penn Thozhilalar Sangam (PTS), Vijayalakshmi told Frontline that she found the KMUT amount to be helpful as it was extra income for her. 'Before, my kids would go to their father if they wanted something. Now, they come to me too,' she said. In the pre-survey, researchers found that women were at peace with the KMUT amount in hand. One year into the scheme, 91 per cent of the beneficiaries felt self-sufficient and autonomous, 95 per cent were able to spend without their husbands' permission, and 96 per cent felt like an asset rather than a liability. According to the report, women not only have more control over their finances but are also more financially aware, withdrawing their KMUT amount from banks, ATMs, customer service points, and e-Sevai centres. Yet, despite these gains, some PTS members voiced criticism. 'Government functionaries should understand that if women are happy with receiving this meagre amount, how bad their livelihood must be. That should signal that the scheme is hence a failure,' said Sumathi Dorairaj, a PTS member and activist. Kavitha, another PTS member, said that KMUT had not reached more than half the designated people. 'And those who have missed out on it are the ones in the lower reaches of society,' she added. Vijayalakshmi, however, saw no issue with the amount and said it would be spent regardless of how much it was. Impact on work and domestic violence The research found mixed results for the scheme's impact on paid and unpaid work. While the earnings from paid work outside the home fell by 95 per cent, paid work done at home rose by 36 per cent. Savings from unpaid work increased by 14 per cent. The report said some women used the money to travel for paid work, while others used it to earn from home or make domestic and care work easier. But having more income and independence also led to some unexpected problems. The study found a rise in certain forms of domestic violence among the beneficiaries surveyed. Minor violence became more frequent, with indicators such as husbands showing anger or jealousy when their wives spoke to other men or accusing them of being unfaithful. Major violence also increased—physical abuse by husbands rose by 34 percentage points, and wives hitting husbands went up by 16 percentage points. Incidents of sexual violence increased as well, with the frequency of forceful sexual acts rising by 53 per cent. Rethinking the scheme As per the report, 67 per cent of the beneficiaries felt that the KMUT amount should be increased. 'Widows must be given at least Rs.5,000. Many are denied the money because they are under 45 years of age. If they are above 45, they are refused on the grounds that their children are over 18. This Rs. 1,000 is not enough for them,' R. Sumathi, PTS general secretary, told Frontline. Narbadeshwar Mishra, an assistant professor of economics at O.P. Jindal Global University and one of the report's co-authors, said that Rs.1,000 is not enough to lift women out of poverty. He added that while it has made them more familiar with banking, many still do not use it much, and the small amount makes it harder to get loans. The report also observes that some beneficiaries want jobs over payments, and many expect the government to expand the scheme's eligibility criteria to include all women. It stated that '56 per cent of the respondents said they would prefer to access paid work instead of the cash transfer scheme, with only 21 per cent saying they preferred receiving just the cash transfer'. Right to care The report also calls for the inclusion of beneficiaries and women's groups in designing and improving the welfare system, linking it to a formal right to care. PTS president Sujata Mody said that the government must communicate with them to understand what needs to be done going forward. 'In a State like Tamil Nadu, where gender divide is deeply ingrained, KMUT offers respect and appreciation to women. But one cash transfer is not enough, as the scheme has negatively impacted other programmes such as the old age pension, scholarships for children, and MNREGA funds. If the government says the funds are limited, they should be better targeted,' Mody told Frontline. Also Read | The myth of the 'women vote bank' The report concludes that while KMUT has emerged as a success story, it is only a single step forward to empower women. It emphasises recognising unpaid domestic and care work under the UN's Sustainable Development Goals to enable its redistribution. Kotiswaran hopes that the report would help improve KMUT's implementation, including a reconsideration of eligibility criteria with a renewed focus on its purpose—to recognise care. 'If Tamil Nadu is serious about this, more must be done—embed the right to care and cash transfers in law, recognise care workers' rights (including scheme and domestic workers), and invest in the care economy,' she said.


Economic Times
4 hours ago
- Economic Times
India to set data standards for developed nations to follow: CEA
(You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel New Delhi: India will soon set the global standards and benchmark in data, chief economic adviser (CEA) V Anantha Nageswaran said on Thursday. "We are now going to be able to set the benchmark for developed countries to follow" the CEA said, pointing to concerns over data quality US President Donald Trump fired the labour statistics chief for publishing inaccurate jobs numbers. In the UK, the statistical authority has called for structural reforms within the organisation. Speaking at a sensitisation and review meeting with statistical advisers of ministries and government departments organised by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI), Nageswaran noted the importance of generating timely, credible and user-friendly data."It goes without saying that data and statistics are fundamental to an efficient or informed decision-making process, whether in a corporate setup or government institution," he said. Speaking at the meeting, former Capacity Building Commission chairman Adil Zainulbhai said: "We have an opportunity to upgrade enough for our data systems to become gold standard for the world." He highlighted the need to leverage technology for this purpose across ministries and an aim to make data more robust, the statistics ministry will come up with a Service Production Index , like the Index of Industrial Production (IIP) that tracks industrial activity in India.