logo
It's not just Trump: India has dealt with US bullying before

It's not just Trump: India has dealt with US bullying before

First Post7 hours ago
Over five decades earlier, President Richard Nixon and his National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger sought to strong-arm India, much like Trump is doing now, except that was with aircraft carriers and nuclear posturing read more
President Richard Nixon also tried to bully India into following the US' strategic interests, instead of its own. File image/Reuters
For a while now, the United States has been trying to strong-arm India into compliance with its strategic will. Despite his platitudes about deep friendship with India, President Donald Trump, once back into the White House, imposed a 25 per cent tariff on Indian goods after months of threats and extensions.
India's refusal to bow to US demands in trade talks, denials over Trump mediating the India-Pakistan ceasefire, and New Delhi's continuing purchase of Russian oil, all seem to be the cause of the provocation.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
The measure sent shockwaves through Indian markets. Steel and aluminium sectors reeled, exporters scrambled, and Fitch warned that the effective US tariff on Indian goods had jumped from 2.4 per cent to 20.7 per cent.
India responded with steely calm to Washington's economic arm-twisting, drawing red lines in the stalled trade talks and warning that national interest would not be sacrificed for expediency. Officials said that while they remained open to dialogue, they would not be rushed or coerced into a deal. 'The era of unilateral compliance is long past,' one senior official said.
US' bullying of India stretches back to 1971
But this was not the first time an American president tried to impose Washington's will on India. Over five decades earlier, President Richard Nixon and his National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger sought to do the same with aircraft carriers and nuclear posturing.
It was December 1971. India had just intervened in the Bangladesh Liberation War, responding to a humanitarian crisis and a flood of millions of refugees created by Pakistan's violent crackdown in East Pakistan. Washington, however, saw the region through the lens of geopolitics: Nixon was courting Pakistan's dictator Yahya Khan to open the door to China. And so, when Indian forces advanced, Nixon ordered Task Force 74, including the nuclear-powered USS Enterprise, into the Bay of Bengal.
The deployment of US Navy's Seventh Fleet in the Bay of Bengal was officially described as a non-combatant mission to protect American citizens. But it is well-known as a signal to India that any move on West Pakistan would cross a line. Moscow responded by dispatching nuclear submarines to shadow the US fleet. A Cold War face-off in the Indian Ocean ensued.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
India refused to retreat. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi pressed forward, confident in the USSR's backing and resolute in her government's aim to end the genocide in East Pakistan. The gambit paid off: Pakistan surrendered on December 16, 1971, and Bangladesh was born. But the memory of American threats, and Kissinger's contemptuous remarks about Indian leadership, left a scar.
The 1971 episode served as a reminder that American support for democracy was often transactional and that when push came to shove, Washington could side with dictators if it suited its interests.
Now, India once again appears to be in a defiant mood, standing against the bullying and for its national interest.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Rivian loss bigger than expected on higher costs, lower credit income
Rivian loss bigger than expected on higher costs, lower credit income

Mint

time20 minutes ago

  • Mint

Rivian loss bigger than expected on higher costs, lower credit income

Aug 5 (Reuters) - Rivian Automotive reported a higher-than-expected quarterly loss on Tuesday as disruption in supply of rare earth metals used to make parts of its electric vehicles raised costs and income from credits sold to traditional automakers dwindled. China's curbs on the export of heavy rare earth metals —essential components for motors — sharply increased material costs and disrupted supply chains, driving up the cost of EV production in the U.S. The company reported an adjusted loss per share of 80 cents for the second quarter, compared with analysts' average estimate of 65 cents, according to data compiled by LSEG. Rivian also flagged a bigger adjusted core loss this year, expecting it to between $2 billion and $2.25 billion, compared with $1.7 billion to $1.9 billion previously forecast. The company largely blamed a tapering in the value of U.S. regulatory credits for the higher loss estimate. President Donald Trump administration's elimination of penalties for automakers not meeting fuel economy standards has drastically reduced demand for regulatory credits, which companies like Rivian previously sold to traditional automakers to help them avoid emissions fines. The company delivered 10,661 vehicles in the second quarter, marking a 22% decline from the same period a year earlier, as Rivian limited production to prepare for its 2026 model year launch. Earlier this year, the company slashed its 2025 deliveries forecast to 40,000 to 46,000 vehicles from an initial 46,000 to 51,000, citing U.S. tariffs resulting in cost pressures that dampened demand. The company shut down its plant for a week in the second quarter and will pause production in the second half of 2025 to integrate key production elements and prepare for the R2 SUV launch next year. The $7,500 federal EV tax credit expires at the end of September, eliminating a key competitive advantage that has driven electric vehicle demand, but analysts anticipate a surge in third-quarter sales as consumers rush to purchase EVs before losing access to the incentive. Revenue for the second quarter stood at $1.3 billion, surpassing analysts' average estimate of $1.28 billion, according to data compiled by LSEG. Cash and cash equivalents were $4.81 billion at the end of the June-quarter, compared with $4.69 billion in the preceding three-month period. (Reporting by Akash Sriram in Bengaluru; Editing by Sriraj Kalluvila)

‘Sugar prodn dips 23% in 7 yrs despite rise in cane acreage'
‘Sugar prodn dips 23% in 7 yrs despite rise in cane acreage'

Time of India

timean hour ago

  • Time of India

‘Sugar prodn dips 23% in 7 yrs despite rise in cane acreage'

Lucknow: UP's sugarcane sector has witnessed an intriguing trend with sugar production by mills falling by almost 23% between 2017-18 and 2024-25, despite a substantial increase in cane acreage and productivity during the period. Industry sources attribute the dip to diversion of cane for Khandsari, low recovery and adverse weather conditions. Data released by the cane development department shows that the area under cane cultivation increased by almost 28% — from 22.99 lakh hectares in 2017-18 to 29.51 lakh hectares in 2024-25. Likewise, the productivity also increased from 79.19 tonnes per hectare to 83 tonnes per hectare, signifying a rise of around 5%. Even cane production went up from 1820.75 lakh tonnes (LT) to 2456.35 LT during the same period. The number of mills crushing cane also rose from 119 to 122, one of the highest in recent times. However, the sugar production dropped from 120.5 lakh tonnes in 2017-18 to 92.45 lakh tonnes in 2024-25, a fall of around 23%. In 2023-24, sugar production in the state was pegged at around 104.13 lakh tonnes. The cane crushing season in UP ended in June earlier this year. Yet, UP happens to be the biggest producer of sugar in the country, surpassing Maharashtra. The western state was the leading producer of sugar last year when it produced around 110 lakh metric tonnes of sugar. This, however, plunged below 90 LMT in 2024-25. Nationally, the total sugar production is estimated to be around 330 lakh tonnes. The fall in sugar production is largely attributed to the diversion of sugar from cane mills to Khandsari, a traditional, unrefined Indian sugar made from sugarcane juice. It's a natural sweetener that retains more nutrients and molasses than refined white sugar. According to an estimate, UP has around 250 Khandsari units, essentially established in parts of west and central UP. Industry sources said that cane growers diverted their produce to Khandsari units for quicker compensation compared to the one paid by the mills. The shift gained pertinence against the backdrop of the state govt keeping the State Advisor Price (SAP) for sugar at Rs 370 per quintal (for early variety) and Rs 360 per quintal for general variety. Another key reason behind the downturn in sugar production is adverse weather conditions — drought and excess rainfall — besides a drop in the quality of cane. Sources said that the cane recovery reduced from around 10.5% in 2017-18 to a little over 9.5% in current times.

India Hits China Where It Hurts Most, Hosts Beijing's Enemy, Sends Strongest Message With Naval Alliance In South China Sea
India Hits China Where It Hurts Most, Hosts Beijing's Enemy, Sends Strongest Message With Naval Alliance In South China Sea

India.com

timean hour ago

  • India.com

India Hits China Where It Hurts Most, Hosts Beijing's Enemy, Sends Strongest Message With Naval Alliance In South China Sea

New Delhi: India welcomed one of China's fiercest maritime adversaries this week with full diplomatic honours and coordinated military manoeuvres. As Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr stepped onto Indian soil for a state visit, Indian warships were already cutting through the South China Sea alongside the Philippine Navy. The message from New Delhi was India stands with Beijing's biggest regional rival. The joint naval passage took place inside the Philippines' exclusive economic zone. Indian ships INS Delhi, INS Shakti and INS Kiltan sailed alongside Philippine frigates BRP Miguel Malvar and BRP Jose Rizal. The two-day operation was calm but closely monitored. 'We did not experience any untoward incidents, but there are still those shadowing us as we had already expected,' said Philippine military chief Romeo Brawner. The naval drill unfolded just as President Marcos departed Manila for his five-day visit to India. The timing was not incidental. The idea for the joint operation came during Brawner's meeting with his Indian counterpart in March. The exercise, confirmed by Indian officials, formed part of New Delhi's broader push to further strengthen security ties across the Indo-Pacific. Some nice shots! As part of the ongoing Operational Deployment to South East Asia, Indian Naval Ships INS Delhi (Guided Missile Destroyer), INS Shakti (Fleet Tanker), and INS Kiltan (Anti Submarine Warfare corvette) of the Eastern Fleet concluded their port call at Manila,… — Vayu Aerospace Review (@ReviewVayu) August 5, 2025 Indian Navy ships INS Delhi, Shakti, Kiltan in Manila, Philippines; to hold joint exercises with Philippines counterparts — Sidhant Sibal (@sidhant) August 4, 2025 #IndianNavy and #Philippines naval forces conducted first joint naval exercise in the #WestPhilippineSea Two PLA Navy vessels where tracking the exercise from 10 Nautical Miles, away #SouthChinaSea vid cr ANC 24/7 Philippines — Hero For Fun (@XClassHero) August 4, 2025 In New Delhi, Ministry of External Affairs reinforced its maritime posture through official briefings. 'Our position on the South China Sea is clear and consistent. We consider the South China Sea part of global commons. We support freedom of navigation, overflight and legitimate commerce through the waters of the South China Sea. India has an abiding interest in peace and stability in the region, and our position is based on the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) 1982,' said MEA Secretary (East) Periasamy Kumaran. He emphasised India's view that ongoing negotiations on a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea should include voices from all affected parties, including those outside the formal talks. 'It should be effective, substantive and inclusive of the interests of all stakeholders,' he added. The Indian and Philippine governments formalised their growing partnership with a Joint Declaration on the Establishment of a Strategic Partnership. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Marcos endorsed expanded cooperation in defence, maritime security, humanitarian response, pollution control, shipbuilding, coastal surveillance and disaster relief. Both countries expressed concern over rising aggression in the region and called for restraint. The joint statement reiterated their commitment to international law, including the UNCLOS, and their support for a free and open Indo-Pacific. They pledged increased participation in joint maritime drills, including the ASEAN-India Maritime Exercise, the Exercise MILAN and the Philippines' Maritime Cooperative Activities. India is delighted to welcome Philippines President, Mr. Bongbong Marcos at a time when we mark 75 years of bilateral relations between our nations. It is equally gladdening that we have decided to elevate ties to a Strategic Partnership, which ensures our cooperation becomes… — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) August 5, 2025 We are working to boost cultural linkages between India and Philippines. Our nations will work together in tourism, connectivity and holding regular cultural exchange programmes. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) August 5, 2025 The partnership now extends to cyber security, peacekeeping, critical technologies, economic security and military medicine. Maritime domain awareness will remain a top priority, with both sides planning joint research and technology sharing. India's actions have not gone unnoticed in Beijing. The Chinese foreign ministry repeated its long-standing position that disputes in the South China Sea must remain between 'countries directly involved', warning against third-party interference. China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) Southern Theatre Command had earlier accused the Philippines of inviting foreign militaries to conduct joint patrols, saying such moves 'undermine regional peace and stability'. The reference to India's involvement was implicit but clear. The joint naval passage comes against the backdrop of a broader regional realignment. Since late 2023, the Philippines has conducted maritime operations with the United States, Japan, Australia, France and Canada. India now joins that list, adding its weight and ships to the counter-China security web emerging across the Indo-Pacific. During his trip to India, President Marcos is focusing on expanding cooperation beyond the seas, touching sectors such as defence production, pharmaceuticals, agriculture and trade. But on both land and water, the strongest signal of the visit lies in the synchrony of political hospitality and military movement. India's embrace of China's maritime challenger comes with unmistakable intent.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store